The research was led by Thilanka Siriwardana, a senior lecturer at the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Management, Rajarata University of Sri Lanka, in association with the Groningen Institute of Archaeology of the University of Groningen in the Netherlands, along with Indika Jayasekara, Janina Nonis, and Nadeera Dissanayake of the Institute of Archeology and Heritage Studies. This research series has been carried out since 2009 on the historical use of coastal resources in Sri Lanka and especially on the usage trends related to seashells. Accordingly, firstly, the southern coastal region of Sri Lanka, secondly, the north-western coastal area of Sri Lanka, and thirdly, the Jaffna Peninsula and the archipelago were studied, and that research series has made many discoveries in the field of archaeology in Sri Lanka. This has changed the scholarly opinion that there are no prehistoric human settlements in Jaffna and that the first settlement of Jaffna may have been done by a community belonging to the South Indian Megalithic culture.

Research Team

Senior Lecturer Thilanka Siriwardena, the primary researcher of this project, gave more details about this.

“In the research done since 2009, we were strongly convinced that Jaffna and its islands cannot be lacking from prehistoric human habitations. Similarly, we hypothesized that if any original evidence can be obtained, it is from the coastal areas. The sea level gradually changed after the last glacial maximum, submerging the older habitational evidence. We identified many such coastal sites throughout this research series. On the coast of Velanai Island, we observed the shell middens, evidence of ancient human settlements in many places. After that, we decided to launch an excavation at one place.”

Shell middens are deposits made up of the shells of oysters consumed by humans. In some countries, these can be seen in large mounds. Also, in these deposits, the remains of other animals eaten by hunter-gatherers, tools, and, in some cases, evidence of the burial of dead bodies are found. These factors were primarily detected in Sri Lanka from the southern coast.

Those factors are also significant. The reason is that South Asian fields are still limited to Sri Lanka. By studying these deposits, we can uncover the environment, climate changes, seasonal basis, etc., by reconstructing the coastal people’s subsistence pattern. Our current research has yielded fossils of turtles, fish, and other land animals, stone tools, and bone tools.The most recent evidence of Sri Lanka’s pre-historic period is from Mantai, dating back to 1600 BC. With the dates we got from this excavation, we can bring the prehistoric era of Sri Lanka to a more recent stage by another two hundred years. Also, this research enables us to uncover much information different from the cultural factors with an agro-trade subsistence pattern received from those places, such as the beginning of permanent settlements in Jaffna, such as Kantarodai.

These facts about a prehistoric population migrating from time to the island of Velanai are a great discovery. They had some seafaring technology for those migrations. This excavation shows evidence that they brought quartz that was not found in Jaffna. We also found evidence of bone point that they used for spears, hooks, and harpoons. Fishing and other hunting of marine life with boats using such tools can still be seen among the tribal people of the Andaman Islands. It is also a technology owned by the aboriginal people of Australia.It can be assumed that these humans consumed not only marine resources but also land resources. At present, the Jaffna Peninsula has a dry, arid environment, but the environmental conditions during the prehistoric period were different from this. There are even written records that, at least in Jaffna, there was delicate vegetation with animals as early as 1700 AD. It can be assumed that a human community lived here during the prehistoric period, consuming these land and marine resources, and crossing the islands of Jaffna and the mainland using boats. Those factors are crucial. Instead of the idea that Indian culture was established in Sri Lanka by the merchant mariners from India, it can be highlighted that the seafaring prehistoric people may have maintained some contact with India. By then, various changes had already gradually spread to South India, i.e., agriculture, trade, and animal husbandry. These early seafarers may have received glimpses of such traits and were adapting to such cultural change.

Accordingly, it can be suggested that the later Indian cultural influence flowed directly to a community undergoing some changes.  

According to the factors obtained from this research series, the researchers are further of the opinion that these coastal communities show some adaptation compared to other contemporary communities in Sri Lanka.

In the first half of the research series, a shell midden belonging to this period (1450 BC) was identified from Hungama Kalamatiya, where the researchers could see evidence of a community that depended on stone tool technology. But among the Velanai islanders, the bone tools are more prominent. The researchers point out that it results from them adapting to working under regional environmental conditions for a long time.

Similarly, they assume that the later settlements, such as Anaikoddai and Kantarodai, may have been populated by the same maritime prehistoric people who engaged in this coastal subsistence pattern. The researchers point out that these three places’ drinking water and agricultural lands are more favourable for human development than other places in Jaffna.

“If we place these factors together with the ancient legends, we know that seafaring Naga tribes constantly refer to this region. People who possessed this craft technology might live in Sri Lanka and India. We need further evidence to strengthen this view. Here, we should consider that more ancient evidence from Farzan Island in the Red Sea shows similar seafaring trends in that part of the Indian Ocean.

Taking all this together, we can see that there must have been a coastal interaction between the different people who lived along the coast of the Indian Ocean and that the origin of the complex trade pattern and cultural expansion process that developed in the Indian Ocean, later, may have arisen from such a community based on limited resources. They may gain the credit for creating the trade value of Sri Lanka that we find in later periods.

Therefore, rather than just finding the earliest prehistoric evidence in Jaffna, these findings provide an excellent opportunity to study the transition between the Mesolithic culture and the early iron culture and how the people of the Indian Ocean travelled by sailing.”

Therefore, they further express the opinion that these factors will be able to provide answers to some questions about the use of coastal resources in South Asia, how prehistoric humans used the coast to migrate to South Asia and Southeast Asia, etc. We would like to inform the readers that further analysis of the findings is progressing and will be communicated soon.

Dr. Canan Cakirlar of the Groningen Institute of Archaeology of the University of Groningen, Netherlands, Senior Lecturer Sivarubi of the Department of Archaeology and History of the University of Jaffna and the students of that department support this research.

This research was funded by the AHEAD scholarship grant of the Ministry of Higher Education, Technology and Innovation, Sri Lanka, and the Faculty of Humanities research grant of the University of Groningen.

The post The first evidence of Prehistoric seafarers of South Asia was found on Velanai Island in Jaffna. appeared first on Sri Lanka Archaeology.

Sri Lanka has a rich history regarding many native traditional handcrafts. Among them, ivory craftsmanship has a special place. To study ivory craftsmanship and its technology in Sri Lanka we can use Sri Lankan literary and archeological sources. Especially according to early Brahmi inscriptions and archeological data, itÔÇÖs important to understand the details of historical ivory craftsmanship in Sri Lanka. While looking into the traditional Ivory craftsmen and their artistry talents, we can see how ivory craftsmen stood among the early industrial handy crafts along with their marvelous and advanced craftsman techniques and ultimate utilization of limited materials.┬á

Belong to the period around the third century B.C, ÔÇÿWegiri devaleÔÇÖ first Brahmic rock inscription┬ásituated near the city of Kandy had the specific word ÔÇÿDatikaÔÇÖ. According to Prof. Senerath┬áParanavithana, the meaning of Datika was ÔÇÿIvory craftsmanÔÇÖ.[i]┬áAlso, there is plenty of information from literary sources such as ÔÇÿwamsha kathaÔÇÖ which indicated that ivory craft has thrived as a craft even in ancient times. Even though ivory-crafted artifacts and┬áinformation found belonged to the period of Kotte and Kandyan; there is┬áno doubt that this craft started as a prehistoric craft and developed till the recent historical bias┬áon the information from the Chronicle (wamsha kata)[ii]

There was information found in literary sources mentioned below to explore the early records of traditional ivory craft and its contribution to history.

King Dutugemunu donated an ivory-crafted chair and a ÔÇÿWijithipathakÔÇÖ (a palm-leaf fan┬áused by a Buddhist monk) to the Buddhist monks whose residence at ÔÇÿLowamahapayaÔÇÖ has been┬árecorded by Mahawamsa [iii]. During the period of king Jettathissa around 328- 337 A.D,┬áivory craftsmanship aspired as a craft[iv]. Especially, when the king himself being a┬áprofessional ivory craftsman, indicated that it was a craft supported by the┬ároyalty. This showed how ivory craftsmanship was evolving throughout┬áthe Anuradapura period.

In the era of Polonnaruwa, king Parakramabahu – I built ivory-carved decorative pillars in bathing halls in ÔÇÿNanadana UyanaÔÇÖ (garden), mentioned in the second part of Mahawamsa (Chulawamsa).[v]. Not only that books like Saddarmarathnawaliya written in the 13^th century A.D,┬á ┬ábut Anagathawanshaya written during the 14^th century A.D are also a few more literary sources must look┬áinto for more details. Also, by the time of the Kotte period the usage of ivory craft for decorating┬ároyal architects was popular according to information from messenger poetry (Sandesha┬á Kavya)[vi]

There are much evidence of ivory craftsmanship found in archeological sources.  The oldest ivory-crafted artifact founded during the excavation at the southern Wahalkada in Ruwanweliseya site in Anuradapura. It is a small female figure crafted on ivory. It was carbon dated to the second century B.C.[vii] Not only that, during the excavation conducted by  Mr. Shanmugaum based on Magamtota in 1950, found a small ivory toy cart with excellent carvings on it[viii]

In the period of Sitawaka kingdom, a small scale crafted from ivory was one of the┬áremaining marvelous specimens of ivory craftsmanship. Currently, it is to be found in the Colombo┬áNational Museum and it even had detailed carvings of liyapath motif (a leaf-like formation with a double┬ácurve) on the cover. This beautiful artifact dated back to the dynasty of king Seethawaka Rajasingha[ix] The Kandyan era has been recognized as the golden age of traditional Sri Lankan Ivory craftsmanship┬áunder the patronage of king Kirithi Sri Rajasinghe[x]. During that time, as the largest ivory┬ápiece in Sri Lankan history, the Kurunegala Ridi Vihara doorframe (Uluwasa) was created[xi]. It ÔÇÿPuncha Nari GatayaÔÇÖ evidencing the beautiful and advanced artisanship during that time. Among the Sri Lankan ivory crafts, the statue of Lord Buddha was the main┬ásubject of many artists; especially, statues of sitting positions were popular. The biggest ivory┬ácarving of Lord Buddha was the one at Asigiriya Wijayasundararamay Raja Maha Viharaya in Kandy.

Based on archeological evidence and ethnoarchaeological studies from ancient times to recent history, Sri Lankan traditional Ivory crafts flourished with narratives of multi-purpose usage of ivory[xii]. Not only Ivory was used to showcase the essence of the craftsmanship itself but also to use to produce other practical applications and tools. Such as combs, daggers, windows, doors, heppu, styluses (Welipatha), knife handles, boxes, relic caskets, human figures, and betel mortar were created.

Because ivory was a sacred material, it is deemed to have a high demand for ivory-crafted items. Ivory, the tusk of an elephant itself was a prestigious symbol since ancient times. Because of these reasons, traditional ivory artisanship stayed prosperously during the British period and beyond in Sri Lanka. At the beginning of traditional ivory craftsmanship, which was passed down from generation to generation, lately maintained with high stranded as a handcraft industry[xiii]

Sri Lankan elephant tusks are recognized as premium quality ivory due to their thickness, quality, and appealing unique hue, even finding and using materials was difficult. By looking at the┬áremains of carved tusk pieces, the technology and the talent of the artisans proved the value┬áof the ivory craftsmanship was irreplaceable. A normal tuskerÔÇÖs tusk weighed around 50-60┬ápounds[xiv]. However, there are a few qualities that helped to choose these sacred materials as┬áa medium to create marvelous pieces.

• Ability to achieve a shining finishing effortlessly
• The practicability of using tools in the marital
• The material itself had a high endurance to damages such as cracking, chipping under the┬áclimate/ meteorological conditions
• Long last without rusting or wearing off due to natural causes
• Being a scared material

Ivory craftsmanship was only practiced by the craftsmen who belonged to the master-craftsman caste. Master-craftsman caste was one of the social rankings during that time. It was also a social┬áconcept to keep alive the tradition of artistry. Master-craftsman caste had a wide range┬áin its hierarchy. From high caste groups such as goldsmiths, and Ivory craftsmanship to inferior┬ácaste groups such as ironsmiths and painters. Especially regarding ivory craftsmanship, only┬ácraftsmen of a high rank were allowed in ivory carving while craftsmen (workers) from┬álow caste were assigned in ivory turning. Depending on the work they do ivory carvers┬áare known as ÔÇÿAth-dath-kethaum-karuwaÔÇÖ while the ivory turner is recognized as ÔÇÿLiyana waduwaÔÇÖ[xv]

To do the ivory turning a turning lathe was essential. ItÔÇÖs very similar to woodworking; turning ivory was not a complicated process. To this lathe; a router (liyana ka├▒dha), two poles┬áplanted to the ground (known as Pita kanuwa and Wem kanuwa), a rope that rotates the┬árouter, and a stationary plane to rest the hand was needed. And tools like a drill, sews, rasp, and compass-like tool (adina kattuwa) were used. The elephant tusk needed to be turned it is to be┬áconnected to the outside of the axle of wem kanuwa. By doing this it is easy to empty the┬áinside tray-like object (Heppuwa)[xvi]. Articles made with the lathe included fan handles,┬áknife handles, implements and tools, scent sprayers, boxes, and horn fan handles.┬áMost of the dots and circles cut by the lathe were decorated with a filling of colorful┬áincisions. Dots were made with a sharp pointed tool while the circles were cut using a┬ácompass-like tool.┬á

Cementum; the outer layer of the elephant tusk has a natural shine and a vibrant, which is a critical fact in choosing a suitable tusk for the ivory craft. It has a thickness of about 1/16,1/8 inches. But when a craving must be done, this outer layer needs to be removed.  The part called dentine has many micro holes in it. These micro holes are filled with a natural mixture of substances. Ivory is suited for craving because of this soft unique wax-like substance. Even when time passed and if this waxy surface dried causing cracks, it will not affect the shine or the beauty of the tusk at all. Unlikely like a metal surface, the tusk surface will not face any troubles like wearing out or the surface getting rough. However, the talent and the skillfulness of ivory artists had brought up ivory craftsmanship magnificently throughout history[xvii] 

Another interesting point regarding the traditional ivory craft in Sri Lanka is the beautiful decorative elements such as motifs from old Sinhalese painting handcraft that have been used. Also, the secret methods the craftsmen carried through many generations could be seen used in this process. Designs like Bherunda pakshiya, Hansa puttuwa, pala pethi, Kisibi muhuna, the figure of the dragon (Makara), lotus flower, Thirigithalaya, kundirikan, arinbuwa were a few of the most used designs[xviii]. When categorizing the motifs and designs used in ivory crafts there are few ways to dosuch. Among them, figure designs of animal, human, divine, and floral motifs were eye-catching.  

Because of the difficulty of getting elephant tusk and being a limited material, it is considered a prestigious act to have ivory-crafted items in oneÔÇÖs procession. Since ancient times kings,┬áministers, and nobles have used ivory-crafted items due to that belief. Also, ivory crafts have caught the attention as merchandised goods by the foreign merchants who were on good┬áterms with Sri Lanka considering international trading. Especially after the 15^th century BC, there┬áwas a wide recognition for Sri Lankan ivory and ivory crafts in the Europe market. According to┬áa foreign literature source, ÔÇÿPeriplus Maris ErythraeiÔÇÖ ivory was exported to China┬áduring the year of 97 A.D.[xix]

Also, there is much evidence that proved ivory crafts were gifted to foreign diplomats and officials in historical times.  

Today the traditional ivory craftsmanship which once flourished in Sri Lanka seems to have reached its end. Considering the information gathered through the research, it is clear that traditional ivory craftsmanship was in an excellent state until the recent historical time in Sri Lanka. But at present, it is even impossible to find tuskers or any ivory. However, there is no doubt that this great craft and its artisanship would be limited in the future.

[i] Senarath┬á Paranavitana (1970), ÔÇ£ Vegiriya ÔÇô Devala InscriptionÔÇØ, Inscriptions of Ceylon, Volume I, Early Brahmi Inscriptions, Department of Archaeology, Ceylon. 62p. No. 807.

[ii] Mahavansaya, (Sinhala) tr. Buddhist Cultural Center, Colombo, 2003, 113p.

[iii] Ibid.

[iv] Ibid, 160p.

[v] Ibid, 392 p.

[vi] Ranjith Hewage (2012), ÔÇ£Seethawaka Rajasinghe Rajuta Ayath Ath Dala TharadiyaÔÇØ (Sinhala Article), Vismitha Atheetha Urumayan, Susara Publication.18p.

[vii] H.W. Kumarathunga (2002), ÔÇ£Madyakaleena Mahanuwara Yugaye Paramparika Kala KarmanthaÔÇØ (Sinhala Article), ÔÇÿChithra KalawaÔÇÖ, S. Godage & Brothers Publications.34p.

[viii] https://roar.media/sinhala/main/health-lifestyle/artof-ivory-carving

[ix] Ranjith Hewage, Ibid. 21p.

[x] Ananda Coomaraswamy (1986), Mediaeval Sinhalese Art, Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Colombo, 185p.

[xi] Sanath Dharmabandu (2011), ÔÇ£Sri Lankawe Kala KarmanthaÔÇØ Chithra Ha Murthi Kalawa (Sinhala), M.D. Gunasena & Company. 55p.

[xii] Chulani Rambukwella, (2016), ÔÇ£Traditional Ivory Crafts and Technology in Sri Lanka: A Historical and Technological PerspectiveÔÇØ In: International Conference on Asian Elephants in Culture & Nature, 20th ÔÇô 21st August 2016, Anura Manatunga, K.A.T. Chamara, Thilina Wickramaarachchi and Harini Navoda de Zoysa (Eds.), (Abstract) p 164, Centre for Asian Studies, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka. 180 pp. ISBN 978-955-4563-85-8

[xiii] H.W. Kumarathunga, Ibid. 38p.

[xiv] Ananda Coomaraswamy, Ibid.

[xv] Ibid.

[xvi] Chulani Rambukwella, Ibid.

[xvii] Ibid.

[xviii] https://roar.media/sinhala/main/health-lifestyle/artof-ivory-carving

[xix] G.H. Lesli Gamini (2016) Ancient Trade In Sri Lanka (Sinhala), Sooriya Publishers, Colombo. 98p.

The post Records of Ivory craftsmanship in Ancient Sri Lanka appeared first on Sri Lanka Archaeology.

Light Detection and Ranging (LiDAR) is an emerging remote sensing tool for many disciplines. To put it simply, itÔÇÖs a laser scanning technology from which highly accurate ground surface models (topographic details) with elevation data can be created. The resultant data can be processed for analysis and interpretation in a Geographic Information System (GIS) software. Airborne Laser Scanning (ALS) is another term used for this, but in actuality refers to the overall method, whereas the LiDAR is the technology.

Therefore as the name suggests, Airborne Laser Scanning surveys refer to the use of LiDAR fitted to an aircraft or UAV from which extensive swathes of terrain can be scanned. This article will function as a brief introduction to this remote sensing method and its great potential for use in archaeology in Sri Lanka, through a working-progress case study.

Technology

Similar to Radar, it uses optical pulses fired from a laser to determine measurements. The resultant data are known as Point Clouds which contain measurements representing the position and elevation of the locations from which the optical pulse was reflected. The Point Cloud data are then filtered and interpolated to create high resolution Digital Elevation Models (DEMs), from which archaeological sites can be surveyed and mapped out.

LiDAR Applications in Archaeology

LiDARÔÇÖs use in archaeology has two applications. One is the scanning of a single monument to create a digital representation of it. This can be used for a variety of applications, such as for virtual reality, digital preservation of threatened heritage, and mapping for conservation and restoration.

The second is as a remote sensing tool for archaeological prospection. This is can be considered the most important application of the technology for archaeology. Its ability to cover vast areas in a short time together with its ability to filter out tree cover, has proven it to be an accurate and efficient method for surveying expansive forested regions for archaeological features (micro topographic features); a feat a traditional ground survey would be less equipped to do. LiDAR derived DEMs could have accuracies as high as 0.5×0.5m per pixel, enabling the detection of the smallest archaeological features. Although the technology has been around for some time, its wide application in archaeology as a surveying tool is only about a decade old.

Giving some examples, LiDAR surveys have been conducted extensively in Mesoamerican landscapes. The extensive forested regions of Central America, pertaining for example to the ancient Maya, have been a great source for testing out this technology, where entire urban and agricultural landscapes have been mapped out. One such study was conducted in 2009 in the Mayan site of Caracol, Belize, where a 200sqkm area was mapped out which revealed extensive monumental architecture, roads, residential settlements and agricultural terraces. Another example closer to home, was the LiDAR survey of the capital city of the Khmer Empire, Angkor in present day Cambodia. This study conducted between 2012-2013 revealed extensive urban landscape features around the famous Angkor Wat temple, which were previously barely known due to thick vegetation cover. The results of this study was also the subject of a lecture of ICOMOS Sri Lanka in 2018 by the lead researcher.

Lidar and the Archaeologist

The output of Lidar is the DEM or an extremely detailed reconstruction of the ground surface. The DEM can be used directly for spatial analysis in the GIS or to generate visualizations. The visualizations produce images. These images serve as sources of information which are then ÔÇÿreadÔÇÖ and interpreted by archaeologists. A very simplified workflow is thus:

The LiDAR derived DEM is like any raster file. In the GIS software, it can be visualized through colour manipulation, histogram stretch, hillshade and 3D representations. Furthermore, advanced visualizations are also available through other applications; these are for example, sky-view factor, local dominance, negative and positive openness, cumulative visibility etc. and can be created through the Relief Visualization Toolbox (RVT) application of the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The choosing of the type of visualizations depends on the topography of the site, where ideally more than two visualizations can be used to derive different images for comparison.

The next step will be more familiar to the archaeologist – detection and interpretation. The resulting image can be read like a map, where then depending on the experience of the archaeologist, potential archaeological features can be traced out. However, the very final step in any LiDAR survey should be ground truthing. The typical archaeological field survey would be conducted, but with the LiDAR maps helping to pinpoint specific locations and giving an overall landscape perspective of the terrain being surveyed.

Application of LiDAR in Sri Lanka

The use of LiDAR in Sri Lankan archaeology was first pioneered in 2017-2018 with the ÔÇÿDigitizing Our HeritageÔÇÖ project. This project was a collaboration between the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization (CSIRO) of Australia, the private 3D printing firm RCS2 Technologies, the University of Moratuwa, and the Department of Archaeology.

This project used drone based LiDAR for mapping and documenting important archaeological sites using the Hovermap, a 3D LiDAR mapping system developed by CSIRO. The sites included Sigiriya, Dambulla cave temple, Thuparamaya, Isurumuniya, Mudukondapola, Nikasalanuwara, Kandegama, Galle fort and several sites in Polonnaruwa.

The system created a digital map of the monument which was next used to print 3D models, which will be of immense use for heritage professionals. This however is an example of one of the applications of LiDAR ÔÇô that of digitizing monuments.
The second and most important use of LiDAR or more specific ÔÇô Airborne Laser Scanning, for surveying studies has seen a lack in Sri Lankan archaeology.

A literature study showed no known research which employed LiDAR for archaeological prospection. This is understandably due to the high cost involved in using an aircraft for scanning. However, possibly unbeknownst to many in the heritage field, the Survey Department of Sri Lanka has had LiDAR data since 2015!

Survey Department data

Airborne LiDAR data has been made available by the Survey Department since 2015 covering seven districts thus far (complete districts of Colombo, Gampaha, Kegalle, Nuwara Eliya and parts of Kalutara, Kandy and Badulla), at pixel resolutions of 1x1m for Colombo and Gampaha and 2x2m for the rest (see map below). The department conducted the LiDAR survey through a collaboration with Japan, and hopes to extend the survey to the rest of the country. These data were mainly created for disaster risk management and geospatial information.

Procuring this data from the Survey department is quite easy. LiDAR data are provided in the formats of DEM, DSM (Digital Surface Model), Point Cloud, Contours, and Rapid Ortho Photo. These are priced per square kilometer (see price list below).

Procedure ÔÇô One could simply send an email to surveydepartment.csc@gmail.com giving the required location and area, and once the requirement is confirmed and quotation sent, you could make the payment to the bank and upon sending confirmation of payment, you will receive the data via email in a few daysÔÇÖ time. As the below case study will show, I received this within less than a week and the staff of the department were very prompt in handling my request. Since I made the payment online, the data was obtained completely online without ever having to go to the department.

This has since been updated and now contains coverage of the entire Nuwara Eliya District.

Case study of Balana

Having studied extensively on LiDAR visualizations during my masters in Amsterdam, I was curious on its possibilities in Sri Lanka. ThatÔÇÖs when during my thesis work I came to know of the existence of LiDAR with the Survey Department. Visiting the department last year I was told of its availability and procurement procedure, which I have described above after my experience.

Elated over the fact that the department had LiDAR coverage over the site of Balana fort, I immediately sent a request for an area of 46.2 hectares or 0.46 sqkm and received the DEM via email. Balana is a site I have long been involved with, having drawn possibly the first archaeologically surveyed map of the fort, and had always wished to view the sitesÔÇÖ terrain for more detailed analysis.

The results showed the main fort in clear visibility of its surroundings and allows for an understanding of the terrain that would not have been possible before. In a conventional topographic survey using a total station, it would have taken several field days to produce a terrain model, and that too without much detail of the steep slopes. However here, within virtually a day of procurement and within about an hour of visualization, I was able to see the topography of the fort, i.e. the hill of Balana and its surroundings in astonishing detail; all at the price of Rs. 46.00.

Due to the relatively low resolution of the LiDAR data, not much of the micro topography or smaller archaeological features were visible; however, I was able to identify a large trench like feature along the north-east end of the fort.

The results of this LiDAR survey of the Balana fort will be presented at the National Archaeology Conference 2022 organized by the Department of Archaeology.

Suitability of the Survey Department LiDAR and future potential for Sri Lanka
Apart from the analyses that could be derived from the LiDAR of Balana, it was mainly performed as a test to examine the suitability of 2×2 meter pixel DEMs for archaeological prospection. In this regard it failed. High resolution LiDAR DEMs can reach 0.5 meters resolution, making this 2×2 meter relatively low resolution. In the case of Balana, a single-lined wall identified previously was not quite visible; even the main fortÔÇÖs outline is barely visible. This is in contrast to 0.5m DEMs (see below image) where micro features are quite visible.

Nevertheless, having LiDAR data to begin with is exciting, and the existing 2×2 meter resolution DEMs are still very useful as larger topographic features could be easily traced and analysed. As mentioned above, the best use of LiDAR is when its used for extensive areas under forest cover; and if project-specific airborne laser scanning surveys with powerful lasers are conducted, higher resolution data can be obtained for better results. Sri Lanka still has large swathes of lands under forest cover with known or little known archaeological sites, such as those of the Dry zone.

Surveying these with LiDAR would yield unique landscape results and help narrow down field surveying. Given the current cover of LiDAR data (see above for current districts) in Sri Lanka, these regions may not ring-a-bell for extensive archaeological sites, but as Balana has shown, many existing sites in the central highlands could still be examined in a new light.

Another interesting opportunity can be for the prehistorian, where the high resolution DEMs could be used for predictive modelling and viewshed analysis of the larger landscape of the prehistoric man.

It is hoped that this rather extensive ÔÇô brief introduction to LiDAR for archaeology in Sri Lanka would inspire researchers to embrace this new (freely available) technology and explore our understanding of the past even deeper. It has to be noted that this is a rather simplified introduction to LiDAR. For the more mathematically oriented archaeologist, the research would begin with the raw Point Cloud data where the margin of error could be established for more scientifically oriented results.

Comparison of same location between Google Satellite image and Simple Local Relief Model (SLRM) visualization, of an area southeast of Besan├ºon, France. This was part of the writerÔÇÖs Lidar assignment of the University of Amsterdam. Visualizations based on 0.5m resolution DEM. Image shows 2 prominent burial mounds to the left, and 4 mounds to the right. A square shaped archaeological feature can also be seen between the 2 prominent mounds.

References

• Max van der Schriek & Willem Beex, 2017. ÔÇ£The application of LiDAR-based DEMs on WWII conflict sites in the NetherlandsÔÇØ, Journal of Conflict Archaeology, 12:2, 94-114, DOI: 10.1080/15740773.2017.1440960
• Davis, S. et al. 2010. Boyne Valley Landscapes Project. Phase III Summary Report. Dublin, University College Dublin.Bofinger, J. & R. Hesse, 2011. ÔÇ£As far as the laser can reachÔǪ Laminar analysis of LiDAR detected structures as a powerful instrument for archaeological heritage management in Baden
• W├╝rttemberg, GermanyÔÇØ. In: Cowley, D.C. (ed.), Remote Sensing for Archaeological Heritage Management. Brussels, EAC, pp. 161-171.
• Opitz, R., L. Nuninger & C. Fruchart, 2012. ÔÇ£Thinking topographically about the landscape around Besan├ºon (Doubs, France)ÔÇØ. In: Kluiving, S.J. & E.G.B. Guttmann, (eds.), Landscape Archaeology between Art and Science. From a Multi- to an Interdisciplinary Approach. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, pp. 395-412.
• Chase, A.F., D.Z. Chase & J.F. Weishampel, 2013. ÔÇ£The Use of LiDAR at the Maya Site of Caracol, BelizeÔÇØ. In: Comer, D.C. & M.J. Harrower (eds.), Mapping Archaeological Landscapes from Space. New York, Springer, pp. 187-197.
• Evans, D.H. et al., 2013. ÔÇ£Uncovering archaeological landscapes at Angkor using lidarÔÇØ. PNAS 110 (31): 12595ÔÇô12600.
• Gunaratne, Najira., 2017. ÔÇ£Preserving Our History with LidarÔÇØ. Roar Media [online] Available at: https://roar.media/english/tech/insights/preserving-our-history-with-lidar
• Daniel, Shannine., 2018. ÔÇ£Digitizing Sri LankaÔÇÖs Heritage for TomorrowÔÇÖs GenerationsÔÇØ. Roar Media [online] Available at: https://roar.media/english/life/in-the-know/digitizing-sri-lankas-heritage-for-tomorrows-generations
• Course materials for elective ÔÇÿTutorial Archaeology and GISÔÇÖ, MA and RMA programme, 2019/2020, Faculty of Humanities, University of Amsterdam.

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During 1938-39 E.C. Worman, Jr., a postgraduate student at Harward University also described the microlithic assemblages from Bandarewela church hill as being Mesolithic. He was probably employing typological criteria, namely the presence of geometric forms as the basis of his reasoning (Deraniyagala 1992).

Bandarawellian Culture: HartleyÔÇÖs excavation findings

HartleyÔÇÖs excavation left several questions concerning the stratigraphy and chronology of the site unanswered. With a view to filling this lacuna, surface sampling and a limited excavation were undertaken from 8^th of February until 3ith of April in 1994 at a location adjoining the present Meteorological Department bungalow where the surface scatters was observed to be dense.

The site was set out on a grid of 30m x 30m, with a sub-grid of 1- meter squares, and was excavated stratigraphically down to bedrock. The archaeological deposit averaged ca.50 cm in thickness. It comprised a lag deposit of gravels overlying decaying bedrock sealed by a collovial loam. Selected soil samples were subjected to flotation to retrieve charcoal for radiocarbon dating. Five samples were dated Beta at Beta Analytic Florida,(Table 1).

Calibrated radiocarbon dates from the excavation at Bandarawela church hill

Table 1. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from the excavation at Bandarawela church hill. The samples are bulk radiocarbon measurements made on charcoal. All samples have been calibrated using the OxCal 4.4 software and the IntCal 20 calibration curve by the present author in 2021.

  The typical stratigraphic sequence from the surface downwards was as follows:

Macro-context V: Present land surface with dry patana grass and lag deposits of artifacts ranging from recent to prehistoric. Heavy concentrations of stone artifacts in places.

Micro-context 1V: Recent colluvium, ca.3-20 cm thick, comprising a brown loam of sandy silt with artifacts ranging from recent (eg, glass) to Mesolithic stone tools. The compaction was mediumÔÇôloose. The texture of this deposit appears to be the result of sorting by worm action. The density of artifacts within this stratum was low, compared to the underlying macro-stratum 111. Two radiocarbon dates of ca. 3976 and-3638 cal BP have been obtained for this deposit.

Macro-context111: A lag deposit of light brown silty sandy gravels, ca.10-25 cm thick, with somewhat looser compaction than stratum 1V due to its gravelly texture. The gravel included numerous ironstone nodules (which are the product of pedogenic processes). Mesolithic artifacts were observed to occur in greater profusion than in context 1V. They were present throughout this stratum, with the heaviest concentration occurring in its uppermost horizon which has been radiocarbon dated to ca. 4404-2931  cal BP. The artifact density decreased with depth. Charcoal from an intermediate horizon has a date of ca. 5446-4870 cal BP, while the lowermost horizon, representing the interface with the ancient ground surface of decayed bed-rock, has been dated to 7081 to 7468 cal BC.

Macro-context 11:Ancient land surface. Artifacts occurring on it are assumed to derive from stratum 111.

Macro-stratum 1. The upper levels represent the ÔÇ£BÔÇØ soil horizon of Red-Yellow Podzol. It is ca. 5-15 cm thick and light reddish yellow in colour. This phases downloads into a pale ÔÇ£CÔÇØ horizon of unknown depth.

The stone artifacts have been classified according to the system formulated by S.U. Deraniyagala in 1988 which is published in Memoir volume 8 of this Department entitled The Prehistory of Sri Lanka. The industry is characterized by geometric and back microliths. Hence, it may be assigned to the microlithic phase of Sri Lanka. The radiocarbon dates indicate that the site was occupied between 7468- 2886 cal BC.

In summary, open-air site of Bandarwela is highly distinguished by the presence of prehistoric habitation deposits dated back to the Late Holocene hunter-gatherer occupation. There are likely to be hundreds of Stone Age sites associated with lag deposits as suggested by the results of the excavation in 1994. In view of the rapid development that is currently taking place in the vicinity of the open-air prehistoric site of Bandarawela, it would be highly desirable to protect the site for the future generation as matter of urgency. A  discrete research programme is required to investigate the Bandarawela church hill sites systematically. Their potential is considerable: research on hunter-gatherer-archaeology in central high land continues to be an uncharted field and in addressing major issues in South Asian prehistory.

Dr. Nimal Perera
Former Deputy Director-General, Department of Archaeology

Cover image: Saman Eregama

Selected Bibliography

Deraniyagala, S.U. 1988. The Prehistory of Sri Lanka: an Ecological Perspective, 1^st ed. PhD dissertation, Harvard University. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, publ. no. 8820579.

Deraniyagala, S.U. 1992. The Prehistory of Sri Lanka: an Ecological Perspective, 2^nd ed. Colombo: Archaeological Department of Sri Lanka.

Deraniyagala, S.U. 1994. Administration Report of the Director-General of the Department of Archaeology for 1994.Colombo: Sri Lanka Government.

Hartley, C. 1913. The stone implements of Ceylon. Spolia Zeylanica 9(34):117-23.

Hartley, C. 1914. The Occurrence of pygmy implements in Ceylon. Spolia Zeylanica 10(34):54-67.

Noone, H.V.V. 1945. Stone Age relics at Bandarawela. Loris 4: 263-66.

Noone, N.A and H.V.V. Noone 1940. The stone implements of Bandarawela (Ceylon). Ceylon Journal of Science (G) 3: 1-24.

Perera, H.N. 2010. Prehistoric Sri  Lanka: Late Pleistocene Rockshelters and an Open-Air Site. British Archaeological Report  (international series) 2142. Oxford: Archaeopress.

Perera, H.N, N. Kourampas, I.A. Simpson, S.U. Deraniyagala D. Bulbeck, J. Kamminga et al. 2011. People of the ancient rainforest: Late Pleistocence foragers at the Batadomba-lena rockshelter, Sri Lanka. Journal of Human Evolution 61: 254-269

Seligmann, C.G and B.Z. Seligmann. 1911. The Veddas. Cambridge University Press.

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A. NelsonÔÇÖs The Dutch Forts of Sri Lanka (1984) was the first major work in documenting them, their conservation status, and military analysis and is thus the most well-known study specifically on Dutch fortifications of Sri Lanka. The thesis of Ranjith Jayasena ÔÇ£Om oogh in ÔÇÿt zeyl te houdenÔÇØ Historische archeologie van het VOC-grensfort Katuvana in Sri Lanka (2002), and the short paper by Ranjith Jayasena and P. Floore, Dutch Forts of Seventeenth-century Ceylon and Mauritius: An Historical Archaeological Perspective (2010) serve as the next major works in documenting the VOC forts and the formation of a typology and classification based on form and function.

My Master’s thesis (2020) titled ÔÇ£Fortifications and the Landscape: A GIS Inventory and Mapping of Kandyan and Dutch Fortifications in Sri LankaÔÇØ from the University of Amsterdam,┬á took the work of Dr. Ranjith Jayasena a step further by building a spatial database through a Geographic Information System (GIS) which involved inventorying and mapping of these forts.

I conducted a deeper historical survey and noted down several more fortification sites not noted by the previous studies and attempted to precisely locate them. It turns out that apart from the well-known sites which survive today, there were many more forts established by the Dutch, and since much of these sites existed for only a short period of time (generally during times of war), their exact locations have been lost and are probably known only locally.

This rather extensive article serves to disseminate this knowledge to a general audience; discussing the nature of the forts, i.e., their architecture and function and their locations.

Architecture

First, a brief look at the architecture of the Dutch forts. European military architecture saw a revolution with the introduction of gunpowder weaponry in the 15^th century. This was pioneered by Italian engineers in the late-15^th century and the key element in this new design was the bastion.[1] From the 16^th century onwards military architecture became a complex field of engineering in Europe with several ÔÇÿschoolsÔÇÖ such as the Italian, Dutch and French.[2]

The resultant fort of this revolution mentioned above was commonly called the bastion fort, for the fact that the feature known as the bastion played an important role in the function of the fort. The bastion was designed in a geometric fashion with angles so that every point outside the fort could be covered by the guns of the fort. The bastion thus acted in a defensive function by covering the sides of the fort and as an offensive function by forming a battery that could counter enemy fire. The bastions were placed at the corners of the fort and joined by a curtain that formed the rampart. The fort was further protected by a moat which could be a dry or wet moat, and other outer features such as the ravelin, glacis, and hornwork.

The Italian system of fortification was commonly known as the trace italienne and was soon adopted by the Portuguese in their colonies during the 16^th century. As such the Portuguese were the first to introduce the European system of fortification to Sri Lanka. The Dutch school of fortifications was further divided into the Old Dutch system or Oudnederlands Stelsel, the Improved Dutch and the New Dutch system, the latter was also known as the Coehoorn system after the pioneer engineer in the early 18^th century. Figure 08. gives a simple overview of the three main schools of European fortress architecture and their variants.

The Old Dutch system was the first of the system of fortifications introduced to the colonies in the 17^th century and is almost the exclusive type of fortress architecture of the Dutch forts of Sri Lanka. When the Dutch took over the Portuguese forts between 1638 and 1658, they most often rebuilt (sometimes integrating sections into their works) the Portuguese forts into their architecture as the former represented older designs of the trace italienne (see figure 08).

The VOC and their forts in Sri Lanka

Although the Dutch first arrived in Sri Lanka in 1602, it was only in 1638 that they entered into a treaty with the king of Kandy, which gave them a foothold in the island. In the initial years between 1638 and 1658 during the war with the Portuguese, they most often reused the Portuguese forts which were captured. However by the end of the 1650s they had begun to rebuilt the forts which they already occupied at that time according to their architectural standards. A characteristic of the Dutchman was his acute attention to planning and design, which is still seen in the Netherlands today. Therefore every fort and its internal layout was carefully planned out by qualified military engineers and surveyors.

The late 1650s and early 1660s were spent on consolidating their hold in the territories they occupied. This was primarily done through the redevelopment of the forts, some on the old Portuguese sites and some on new sites. Then the uneasy peace that existed between the Dutch and the kingdom of Kandy from the late 1650s came to an end when a rebellion broke out in the kingdom in 1664. King Rajasinghe requested the Dutch for assistance and one thing led to another and resulted in what could be aptly called the first Kandy-Dutch war between 1665 to 1675. (For full detail on this war see the link http://thehistoryfreek.blogspot.com/2021/04/first-kandy-dutch-war-1665-1675.html). This war saw an inland expansion of the Dutch territories which resulted in a large number of fortifications being built; the largest number of forts established during their entire period of occupation. However by the end of the 1600s the war was over and their governing policy and relations with Kandy had changed completely; therefore while all fortifications established during the war in Kandyan territory were abandoned, they even abandoned some posts within their own recognized territories.

Once again during the second Kandy-Dutch war between 1761 to 1766 (For full detail on this war see the link http://thehistoryfreek.blogspot.com/2021/04/second-kandy-dutch-war-1761-1766.html), they established more fortifications, some being at sites used and abandoned during the previous war. However towards the end of that century most forts were badly manned and soon fell to British hands, with only Trincomalee putting up a defence. Even the most well planned fort in the island, Jaffna, was abandoned in the face of the approaching British force.

Nature of the forts

For the Dutch like the Portuguese, the fort was everything. It functioned as a base of operations not only for military activities but for economic activities and administration as well. Such fortifications, whatever the size, were always located at strategic points, whether along the coast near ports or inland along main roads and rivers. The size of the forts depended on their function and not necessarily on their location, although in general, the larger forts are found along the coast near ports. The larger ones like Colombo and Galle were over 100,000 square meters while the smaller ones such as Arippu were around 450 square meters. Apart from what could be easily identified as a fort, there was another kind of fortification, one of more temporary nature and smaller than the smallest stone fort. Such sites mainly occur during times of war (during the two main wars with the kingdom of Kandy) and are variously termed such as guard-posts, out-posts, watch-posts, watch-houses, and stations. They tend to function for lines of communication (transport of letters), for garrisons of the local militia (Lascorins), for military campaign-related posts and campsites, or even as active defense works. Their form is not described, however, based on their smaller function, it could be interpreted that they were either a single building with some measure of defense or simple stockades.

The forts were designed to give complete protection to the Dutch establishment on the island, where they could function as part of a network of fortifications or as an independent unit. The enemies the Dutch kept in mind when designing the forts were the Kandyans and other European nations such as the English, French, and Danish. It could be also argued that based on the complexness of the larger defense works, the Dutch were mostly concerned with other Europeans rather than the local kingdom, whom they knew had not have the resources to siege such forts. Establishing forts also had another subtle function, apart from military, economic, and administrative functions; they were used to project ownership and authority of the lands.

When constructing the forts, the choice of primary material was generally selected on the availability of appropriate material in the area. While the core of the rampart was earth (dugout when cutting the moat), it was covered in a layer of solid material, which in Sri Lanka ranged from stone, coral, and kabook (laterite). Therefore the forts generally in the western coast were built of kabook, the northern ones out of coral and the southern ones out of stone. This however concerns only the larger forts or the ones used for a longer period. There were smaller forts built along the interior roads which were most often built of temporary material.

For a short case study description of the three forts of Colombo, Mannar, and Katuwana, follow the link http://thehistoryfreek.blogspot.com/2021/04/short-descriptions-dutch-forts-of.html

For short eye-witness accounts and other interesting snippets of the selected fortification sites of Anguruwatota, Arandara, Arippu, Arugambay, Bibilegama, Chilaw, Chundikulam, Gonavila, Iluppaikkadavai, Kananvila, Malwana, Puttalam, and Ratnapura, follow the link http://thehistoryfreek.blogspot.com/2021/04/short-insights-into-some-selected-dutch.html

The above is an attempt to give a brief overview of the nature of the forts built by the Dutch in Sri Lanka. A fort is a machine, with its fortifications being only one component of the machine. The garrison ÔÇô the soldiers, the cannon, the armory, etc. all form part of the machine that is the fort. Explaining these components is however left for another time.

Given below is a scientific classification of the form and function of the forts and also a chronological timeline. These are given here for the more curious reader. The list of sites and maps would follow this section.

Form and Function and classifications

Dr. Ranjith Jayasena is the first to systematically classify the fortifications of the Dutch in Sri Lanka. He puts forward a classification of the Dutch military posts in their functional and morphological aspects. In my thesis, I added one more classification type each for function and form.

Table. 01 Dutch forts classification based on function according to Jayasena (2010); last type according to Mendis (2020).

Table. 02 Dutch forts morphological classification according to Jayasena (2010); last type according to Mendis (2020).

Timeline of sites

In my study, I defined the historical chronology as the beginning and end of use of the site for its intended function – as a fortification. ÔÇÿBeginningÔÇÖ here signifies the construction of the fort while ÔÇÿEndÔÇÖ signifies the abandonment, demolition or the end of its use as a fortification.

Obtaining exact dates was difficult and further in almost all cases of larger forts, they were constructed over several years or even decades. Hence a range of years was necessary to depict a siteÔÇÖs chronology. To this effect, a schema of earliest and latest dates was taken for the beginning and for the end.

Further, based on the historical survey of the fortifications, it was found that certain sites had the second phase of construction which was distinguishable from the first instance by form or chronology. Therefore the phases are distinguished as a) complete changes to the form in a continuous period (such as Katuvana from a stockade to the stone fort; Mannar from one form to the present form; Jaffna from the usage of Portuguese fort for a few years and reconstruction of new work), and b) abandonment and reoccupation after a long period of time/long interval ÔÇô several decades. Modifications to the existing form were not taken as a separate phase (e.g JaffnaÔÇÖs outer works from 1765-1792).

As the below graphical timeline would show, the forts were not static; that not all sites were begun, occupied, and ended at the same time. Some existed for a short period while others lasted longer, some had a second phase in a continuous period while other second phases occurred after a long interval. This temporal dimension can often be distorted in maps as it would only give a spatial overview.

Monumental and Archaeological sites

Through my thesis, I was able to identify twenty sites with remains at present. Eleven are complete monuments while nine are less complete (partial remains of internal structures, foundations, ramparts or gateways, etc).

Monumental sites

Sites with varying degrees of archaeological remains.

Historical sites

These are the sites documented in my thesis which lack any archaeological remains as per the data available to me during the time of writing. However, field surveys of these sites may still reveal surface features. Since the publication of my thesis, I was informed that the foundations of the Kalutara fort may still be there, even the foundations of the Hakmana fort. Therefore ground-truthing for such sites may reveal more traces.

These historical sites are further separated into the secondary forts and non-permanent watch posts (W) as classified above.

Historical Secondary forts

Historical Non-permanent watch posts

[1] Jayasena, R. & Floore, P., 2010. Dutch forts of seventeenth-century Ceylon and Mauritius: An historical archaeological perspective. p.237

[2] Hughes, J. Q., 1974. Military architecture, p.102,134, 138

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The Sri Lanka Dive Sites Distribution and Interactive Map – Historical Shipwrecks and Shipwreck Sites

The Sri Lanka dive sites related to identified historical shipwrecks are scattered around the country. The National Shipwreck Database of Sri Lanka developed by the Central Cultural Fund provides the distribution of known ship and plane wreck sites based on the administrative provinces of Sri Lanka. The following table shows the distribution.

Source: https://nsd.ccf.gov.lk/

To find out the locations of the sites, please use the interactive map of the Sri Lanka National Shipwreck Database. This interactive shipwreck site map will provide a good insight into the distribution of the sites. The filtering option of the interactive map will allow filtering the sites by depth, sunk year, province, legal status, access restriction.

A list of Sri Lanka Dive Sites with Historically Significant that dive centers allowed to take divers

Antiquities Ordinance protects some shipwreck sites. Access to around 30 sites is restricted in Sri Lanka, especially the sites in the Galle and Trincomalee harbors. There are over 50 wonderful historic shipwreck sites around the country where commercial diving centers take their customers. Most of the sites are that diving centers take customers are in the Sothern Province of Sri Lanka. This may be due to the fact the southern costs are more popular among tourists. This list is from the Dive Sri Lanka website by Dharshana Jayawardena.

Learn before you dive

The Sri Lanka National Shipwreck Database provides historical, legal, biodiversity information on identified ship and plane wreck sites. It is a good source for amateur or professional divers to learn more about shipwrecks and shipwreck sites before they dive. The information you learn from this site will provide you good background about the site and you can look for the specific details of the wreck site when you dive. This site provides reliable and accurate information collected by the Maritime Archaeology Unit, Sri Lanka Navy, Department of Archaeology National Aquatic Research & Development Agency, etc. The following key features of the database will allow you to learn interactively.

Interactive Map

Locate a shipwreck using the interactive map. This map provides filtering options to you to find in-depth details of each shipwreck site.

Maritime Timeline

This interactive timeline will tell the story of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka, how it began and developed with time.

The Story of Godawaya

Discovery of the oldest shipwreck site in the Asia-Pacific Region. Find out when & where the wreck lays. The excavations and the artifacts were found.

Shipwreck Dashboard

Dashboard and a searchable list of shipwrecks around the country. It also contains interactive charts to learn more about the wrecks.

A list of Diving Centers in Sri Lanka that take customers to historical shipwreck sites

There are over 24 diving centers around the country that will take you to the historical shipwrecks and sites. Here is the list of diving centers prepared by the Dharshana Jayawardena. Most of these diving centers have instructors and professional equipment. The pricing will vary with the shipwreck site. This is a list compiled by Dharshana Jayawardena.

Special thanks should go to the Rasika Muthucumarana and Sri Lanka National Shipwreck Database developed by the Central Cultural Fund, Maritime Archaeology Unit, Institue of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, and Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands. Dharshana Jayawardena, without his approval to publish the list of wrecks that commercial diving centers can access, this article would be less meaningful, thank you Dharshana.

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Katuwana is a small fort located about 50km northeast of Matara in the Hambantota District. Falling under the historical Dolosdahas Korale the fort lies on the eastern bank of the Urubokka Oya on a small hillock. It is a square fort with two diagonally opposite bastions and is built of stone.

The first reference to a military presence in the area is in 1597 when the army of King Vimaladharmasuriya encamped at Katuwana but was immediately attacked by the Portuguese. The next significant establishment is when the Dutch take over the area in the mid-17^th century. Katuwana is first mentioned as a field fortification of the Dutch in 1661 but they soon build a stronger stone fort from 1679 to 1681. Katuwana is also one of the few forts successfully attacked and captured by the Kandyans. This happened in 1761 during the Matara offensive of the Kandyans as part of the war of 1761-1766. Although the Dutch reclaimed the area, the fort remained of little significance. The fort was also occupied by the British but once again the Kandyans besieged the fort in 1805; after which it was subsequently abandoned forever.

The annotations on a plan of Katuvana in the map 4.VEL 1075 (Netherlands National Archives) and dated to ca. 1695, are listed as the guardroom, two sergeantÔÇÖs rooms, a small house for the constable, an arsenal, a powder house, a provisions store, and a well. The garrison during the first half of the 18^th century consisted of about 18 people. In 1712 it is recorded that there were twenty soldiers and eight cannon. In 1734 the fort was visited by J.W. Heydt where he writes: ÔÇÿÔǪthe whole fort is built to mount twelve cannon only . . . it is not provided with too large a garrison, yet if this were of forty men only, it should be able to resist a considerable number of blacksÔǪÔÇÖ

The Katuwana Dutch Fort Excavation

Speaking to the Dutch-SriLankan archaeologist Dr. Ranjith Jayasena, who was then a student and part of the excavation, he said that the Katuwana project was initiated in the late 1990s by Prof. Jerzy Gawronski and late Prof. Senaka Bandaranayake. Thus the ÔÇÿKatuwana Archaeological Heritage ProjectÔÇÖ was established, which was a collaboration with the Postgraduate Institute of Archaeology (PGIAR) of the University of Kelaniya and the Amsterdam Archaeological Centre (AAC) of the University of Amsterdam. This collaboration aimed at understanding the archaeology of the colonial Dutch period during the 17^th and 18^th centuries and the wider impact of the VOC enterprise on the cultural interactions between the locals and foreigners; and as such, Katuwana was selected as a pilot case study.

Excavations were carried out between January and February 2000 under the overall scientific responsibility of Dr. S. Lakdusinghe (then Director of PGIAR), Prof. Anura Manatunga (then Senior lecturer of the University of Kelaniya), and Prof. H. A. Heidinga (Professor of post-Medieval Archaeology of AAC). The Consultants were late Prof. Senaka Bandaranayaka and Prof. Jerzy Gawronski.

The excavation design was drawn up and guided by Prof. Gamini Adikari (then lecturer at PGIAR), Prof. Raj Somadeva (then Senior lecturer PGIAR), and Dr. Ranjith Jayasena (then a student) of AAC. Ranjith Jayasena also supervised the excavations with assistants from the PGIAR. This excavation formed the basis for Ranjith JayasenaÔÇÖs MasterÔÇÖs thesis by the University of Amsterdam in 2002.

The three main goals of the project are summarized as:

1. A survey of Dutch fortifications in the coastal areas between Kalpitiya and Hambantota including frontier forts.
2. The large scale test excavation of Katuwana Dutch fort
3. Conservation of Katuwana

The scientific research aims for the project were:

1. The development of historical and archaeological research into 17th- and 18th-century fortifications in Sri Lanka. Historical records and physical evidence offer different lines of evidence with regard to the functioning of the forts.
2. Research into the environmental impact of the Dutch settlements.
3. The development of a Sri LankanÔÇôDutch research programme for the study of the material culture of EuropeanÔÇôAsiatic contact sites. Sri Lanka was part of an interlocking system of VOC settlements in the Indian Ocean area, with both trade goods and people going back and forth. The archaeological record can shed light on the kind of goods, both European and Oriental, which reached the island.
4. The study of VOC settlements in a global perspective highlights, in particular, the role of the forts as nodes in the economic strategy of the VOC. As the VOC operated in a large number of countries east of the Cape of Good Hope, archaeological data needs to be studied in a global perspective. Key to the understanding of the VOC garrison is that it formed a closed community, situated not only far from the Dutch Republic, but also from the VOCÔÇÖs other overseas settlements. Comparisons can be drawn with other VOC outposts, some of which have recently been excavated, for example, Oudepost I, South Africa, and Fort Frederik Hendrik, Mauritius.

The excavation methodology followed two aspects, 1) the documentation of the remains of the fort and its setting through a total station survey, and 2) locating the internal structures by test trenches and establishing the progressive erosion on the archaeological record. For this, seven 1m wide trenches were cut across the courtyard to investigate the internal structures.

Historical archaeology uniquely combines historical data with archaeological data to produce multiple lines of evidence for interpretation and understanding. As such the detailed plan dated to ca.1695 and numbered 4.VEL 1075 at the Netherlands National Archives in The Hague was used as a guide to the internal layout. The trenches focused on the sections identified as the Gunpowder house, Warehouse, Ramp, Courtyard, Guardroom, Lookout towers, the Well, and the Gate.

The Findings of Katuwana Dutch Fort excavation

During the excavations, a curious feature was noted in trench number 6 – ┬áa layer of charcoal that represents a burning activity. This indicated that the excavated structures were not the first structures on the site. Based on the stratigraphy the archaeologists believe the charcoal and underlying cultural layer represents a pre or early colonial phase of occupation.

The excavations at Katuwana revealed a variety of artifacts, which are found in the below table. Of these, the largest category consists of indigenous earthenware amounting to 83.3% of the total artifact fragments. The European artifacts include red-glazed earthenware, glass bottles, and clay tobacco pipes. Chinese porcelain was also found within the fort which is a common artifact type found in VOC settlements throughout the region.

Analysis of this artifact assemblage gives new information into the life of the inhabitants of the fort, especially of the interaction between Europeans and Sri Lankans. The reuse of European objects (a broken tobacco pipe was found to have been reworked) indicates a limited supply from Galle and the larger number of indigenous objects may represent a process of adaptation by the Dutch; however, the latter fact may even reflect a culturally mixed garrison, of which even historical records indicates so.

As only 15% of the site was excavated, deeper understandings into the cultural interactions within the fort and with its surroundings could not be investigated. However, this pilot project showed the potential of archaeological investigations into colonial settlements and of the nature of archaeological assemblages of the 17^th and 18^th centuries. The further investigation of such sites in Sri Lanka could re-open this discourse and with future synthesis within Sri Lanka, meaningful comparative studies could be made to other VOC sites around the Indian ocean. It is hoped that the recent Jaffna fort excavations and the recently concluded Galle fort excavations would inspire the new generation of archaeologists to explore the materiality of the early modern period in Sri Lanka.

References

Jayasena, R. M., 2002. ÔÇ£Om oogh in ÔÇÿt zeyl te houdenÔÇØ Historische archeologie van het VOC-grensfort Katuvana in Sri Lanka. MasterÔÇÖs thesis. University of Amsterdam.

Jayasena, R. M., 2006. The historical archaeology of Katuwana, a Dutch East India Company fort in Sri Lanka. Post-Medieval Archaeology: Jamestown, 1607-2007.40 (1), 111ÔÇô128. [online]. Available from: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1179/174581306X156391

Lakdusinghe, S., 2001. The Katuwana Archaeological Heritage Project Excavation Report-2000. Postgraduate Institute of Archaeology (PGIAR).

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Extended Abstract

H.M. Chryshane Mendis

MasterÔÇÖs thesis

MA Landscape and Heritage (Archaeology)

Faculty of Humanities  (ACASA)

University of Amsterdam

Supervisors

Prof. Jerzy Gawronski

Dr. Lodewijk Wagenaar

August 2020

The complete thesis can be downloaded from the university online database scripties.uba.uva.nl after the 30^th September 2020.

1. Introduction and objectives

It was identified that the Dutch fortifications of Sri Lanka were relatively well studied and a good inventory with classifications existed through Jayasena (2002)ÔÇÖs thesis. However, it had not been integrated into the heritage management system of the country and no information existed on the exact locations of sites lacking archaeological remains. Further the literature survey revealed no such landscape based studies of Kandyan fortifications, not even a simple inventory. This is in part due to the temporary nature of Kandyan sites and the lack of attention in academia under the field of archaeology. The study of Kandyan fortifications remain in the field of history and part of overall warfare studies than as a field of inquiry of its own.

In this backdrop the present thesis was undertaken to produce a solid database of all forms of fortifications of both the Dutch and Kandyans through a landscape archaeological approach using a Geographic Information System (GIS) as a spatial database and analytical tool. The objectives were 1) to inventory the data for Dutch and Kandyan fortifications, 2) to build a spatial database through a GIS software and finally 3) to test out the data through the GIS for its analytical capability.

2. Research methods

This thesis is an innovative exploratory research. The multi-layered, visual and analytical capabilities of a GIS provide for a landscape approach at correlating fortification sites with the landscape; thus the GIS framework would combine historical sites, archaeological and monumental sites and a new layer of landscape of cultural and natural elements as parameters.

The software used is QGIS 3.10 (64 bit).  Additionally the external Database management software SpatiaLite would be used to store the data.  As this is a first step in building an inventory, the database was built as a non-relational database. There are four main attribute tables of point geometry, two historical sites and two archaeological and monumental sites for the Dutch and Kandyans. For the landscape parameters, based on the limitations in accessibility to data, the natural landscape elements of elevation, hydrography and terrain was selected. For cultural landscape elements, the historical provincial boundaries was selected.

Historical and archaeological data was gathered from primary sources of archival maps, chronicles, memoirs, diaries etc. and secondary sources such as archaeological reports, academic papers and articles and limited field data. Due to the time limitations of this study and due to the restrictions of the COVID-19 pandemic, the historical survey was mainly limited to European sources with the Mandarampurapuvata being the only primary Sinhala source referred to.

Data for natural landscape elements was gathered from open source topographic maps and inland waterways of vector format. Elevation was calculated using contour lines and terrain type for each site was classified based on relief and slope attributes through a simple geomorphographic conceptual model. Inland waterways were used to calculate the proximity of a site to the nearest waterway through two 500m buffers.  Data for cultural landscape historical provincial boundaries were based on historical maps and descriptions and built as a separate attribute table of polygon geometry.

Once all the data was gathered, the data was entered in the records of the GIS attribute tables. For the locations that are known or which are existing, open source Satellite imagery was used to locate and place the point in the vector layer. As for the locations without monumental remains, the first task was to identify the location of the fortification as accurately as possible. This was done through the aid of historical maps and descriptions, contemporary evidence, satellite imagery, and topographical maps. Once possible locations were identified, the point in the vector layer was placed and an arbitrary level of accuracy was included in the record. The final stage of the research was the testing of common landscape elements as parameters for comparative analysis between the Dutch and Kandyan sites for identification of any correlations or patterns. Due to the limited time of the thesis, this was only done as a testing of the suitability of selected landscape parameters and the GIS system.

3. Results and discussion

All sites ranging from large forts to small stockades were noted during the historical survey, however only the sites whose location was identifiable were included in this inventory. The inventory of the Dutch fortifications amounted to 89 sites of which 41 were identified during the study. Of these sites, 20 were identified as Archaeological and Monumental sites and 69 were identified as Historical sites. Jayasena (2002) had further classified these sites into 6 function types and 11 morphological or form types. For this inventory a further Function type ÔÇô Non-permanent watch-posts and Form type ÔÇô 12 (single building or smaller stockade than existing Type 11) were identified and added to the existing classification.

Concerning the Kandyan fortifications, despite the limited time and access to sources, an inventory of 62 sites was made. The study on Kandyan fortifications showed that the Kandyans focused on the location or terrain of the site than its form, and further the permanence of a fort was in the land or place than material, as sites such as Balana and Ganetanne were refortified during times of war over a long period. Therefore two broad categories of Kandyan fortifications were identified, 1) Campaign and non-Campaign fortifications and 2) Campaign specific field fortifications. The former was further classified into four types, 1) Large campaign specific fortifications, 2)  Large non-campaign specific fortifications, 3) Large non-campaign specific fortifications acting a Kadawata, and 4) the Kadawata.

For the testing, a selection of the total sites was made on the function type. The function types, Type W of the Dutch and Type T1 of the Kandyans were left out. This gave a total of 54 sites for the Dutch and 31 sites for the Kandyans.  The results of comparison of Dutch and Kandyan sites of their topographic regions based on elevation was reflective of the geographical positioning of both territories, with the Plain region as a middle ground of contested space where both political entities have a substantial percentages. In comparison of the proximity to inland waterways, while Dutch sites have a higher percentage than the Kandyans in sites located within 500m proximity; when compared by taking overall sites within a 1000m proximity to a waterway, no significant difference can be seen as both entities have over 50% of their sites within 1000m of a waterway.   As for terrain classification, 18 types of terrain were identified for Dutch and 12 types for Kandyan; with four common terrain types, Undulating rises, Rolling low hills, River bank Undulating rises and River bank Gently undulating rises. No significant variation was observable.

(Fig. 61 Frequency graph ÔÇô comparison of topographic regions on total percentage % of sites)┬á

┬á(Fig. 63 Frequency graph ÔÇôcomparison of waterways proximity on total percentage % of sites. Sites within 500m of a waterway, within 1000m of a waterway and beyond 1000m)

4. Conclusions

The spatial database built for this inventory was designed as a non-relational database due to the uncertainty and lack of some data and attributes during the study. With the completion of the database, the potential for relational databases was seen. Further, concerning the natural landscape parameters, it was identified that the proximity to navigable waterways can be seen as a possible improvement and terrain classification could benefit from an automated classification using Digital Elevation Models on two scales for each site which would be better representative of the terrain. The spatial and temporal view of the landscape showed that different sites existed at different times with some being reoccupied after long intervals and that Kandyan and Dutch approaches to fortifications were different, as was the case of the smaller temporary fortifications; where during the 1760s war the Kandyans employed a far greater number of small stockades compared to the Dutch in their offensive and defensive campaigns. A large number of historical Kandyan sites compared to the known archaeological sites indicates a strong potential for archaeological field work. Further, the building of the cultural layer of historic provincial boundaries showed the lack of data in the historical geography of Sri Lanka, and the potential in this respect. Therefore with further improvement in new data such as historical geographical data, complete environmental datasets, etc. this GIS could be refined and expanded for more complex research such as predictive modeling for site location, spatial analysis, and as a heritage management tool for Sri Lanka. 

5. References

• Key primary sources: Joa├Á Ribeiro (1685), Fernao Queyroz (1687), Instructions from the Governor-General 1656-1665, Memoirs of Ryckloff van Goens Sr. (1663,1675), Memoir of Hendrick Zwaardecroon (1697), Untranslated reports in Valentyn (1726), Correspondence during 1764-66 (Ravan-Hart 1964), Secret minutes of the Dutch Political Council, 1762 ( H. O. Paulusz 1954), Captain Herbert Beaver (1803), James Cordiner (1807), and archival maps at the Netherlands National Archives.

• Diessen, R. V. and Nelemans, B., 2008. Comprehensive Atlas of the Dutch United East India Company Vol. I & IV. Cakovec: Zrinksi Printing & Publishing House.

• Jayasena, R. M., 2002. ÔÇ£Om oogh in ÔÇÿt zeyl te houdenÔÇØ Historische archeologie van het VOC-grensfort Katuwana in Sri Lanka. Masters thesis. University of Amsterdam.

• Nelson, W. A., 1984. The Dutch Forts of Sri Lanka. Update by Silva, R. K. de., 2004. Colombo: Sri Lanka-Netherlands Association.

• Wickremesekera, C., 2004. Kandy at War: Indigenous Military Resistance to European Expansion in Sri Lanka 1594-1818. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa Publications.

• Conolly, J. & Lake, M., 2006.┬áGeographical Information Systems in Archaeology. Cambridge [etc: Cambridge University Press. Fourth printing 2010.

• Verhagen, J. W. H. P. et al., 2017. Spatial analysis in archaeology: moving into new territories, in C. Siart et al. (eds.), Digital Geoarchaeology, Natural Science in Archaeology. DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-25316-9_2.

• Zinck, J. A., 2013. Geopedology Elements of geomorphology for soil and geohazard studies [pdf]. Enschede: Faculty of Geo-Information Science and Earth Observation.

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Abstract

The main objective of this research is to explicate the significance of Cowry Shells (Monetaria moneta) that discovered from the Ancient Harbour of Ambalangoda which located at No 85 ÔÇôPatabandimulla Grama Niladari Division (GND) of Ambalangoda Secretariat Division (SD), Galle District (06 14 104 N – 080 03 127 E); through the collected data from field research (studying existing collection, collecting samples, lab analysis) and library survey methods. According to the investigations carried out by the groups of Archaeology, Maritime archaeology and non-archaeology (1998, 2007 and 2012) have been unearthed a number of Cowry shells with other artefacts. The MAU team conducted an excavation in 2012 to discover the wreck with Cowry shells and other artefacts, and it was failed. The morphological characteristics of studied sea shells, identified as the species of Monetaria moneta (MM) (Cowry shells); known as Kirikawadi in Sinhala. According to our measurements that could be identified each individual MM is about 11.54 mm x 07.93 mm to 21.11 mm x 15.31 mm in length and width, and 0.4g to 2.7g in weight. In the ancient world; Cowry shells are used as an exchange media, ornament and a game object. The usage of the cowry shells that discovered from the Ancient harbour Ambalangoda was not yet revealed. However, this could be identified as a MM collection which related to a shipwreck that sank in the harbour; based on context of the site, discovered artefacts belongs to a ship wreck, and no any other large scale of MM found from the coast areas of Sri Lanka.

Key Words
Ambalangoda Harbour, Monetaria moneta, Cowry Shells, Maritime Archaeology, Exchange

Objective of the Research
The main objective of this research is to explicate the significance of Cowry Shells (Monetaria moneta) that discovered from the Ancient Harbour of Ambalangoda.

Location of the Site
Ancient Harbour of Ambalangoda which located at No 85 ÔÇô Patabandimulla Grama Niladari Division (GND) of Ambalangoda Secretariat Division (SD), Galle District, Southern Province. (06 14 104 N – 080 03 127 E) and about 800 m along the Ambalangoda – fisheries harbour road and 200m to the North from the jetty of fisheries harbour.

  Location of Ambalangoda Harbour

Historical Background
Concerning the historical background that could be identified primary literature sources have not mentioned about the ancient harbour at Ambalangoda. Therefore, the great conical Mahavamsha and Sandesakavviya (messenger poems) have not mentioned about the activities of the ancient harbour at Ambalangoda as indicated suburb coastal areas. Thisara Sandesaya (1344-1359 AD) (Gunawardane, 2001 p. 1), Parevi Sandesaya (After 1415 AD) have described the coastal areas of the Southern province near Ambalangoda in their poems. Kalutota, Maggona, Beruwala, Aluthgama, Kosgoda, Bentota, Welitota (Balapitiya), Madampamodara, Totagamuwa, Rathgama mentioned in Thisara and Parevi sandesayas (Jayatilake, 2002 pp. 97, 101, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109, 113; Gunawardane, 2001 pp. 101, 103, 107, 108, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116). However, one notable thing is the name ÔÇ£AmbalangodaÔÇØ had not been mentioned in this Sandesas. Nonetheless, Portuguese, Dutch and British (1505-1948) records depict the social, political, economic, religious relationships in the Ambalangoda harbour.

Previous Researches
There could be identified a few previous researches which were done by several groups base on Ambalangda harbour site. The investigations carried out by the groups of Archaeology, Maritime archaeology and non-archaeology (1998, 2007 and 1998-2012) have been unearthed a number of Cowry shells with other artifacts. Further, the MAU team conducted an excavation in 2012 to discover the wreck with Cowry shells and other artifacts, and it was failed.

Research Methodology
This research was mainly based on two research methodologies of field research method and library survey method. Therefore, field research method was highly emphasized to collect data based on studying existing collection, collecting samples, and lab analysis. Further, digital caliper, electronic scale, computer based programmes used for the research.

Two samples of cowry shells used for the study. Hence, the collection of the MAU and the collection of the first author that discovered from the beach of Ambalangoda in 2012 have used for this research. Collection of the MAU sorted and gave numbers for each cowry. Furthermore, cowry shells are stored in a paper bag with the registered number. Through this process 215 of cowry shells studied, recorded and entered to a database.

Cowry (Monetaria moneta)

Etymology
Cowry is a marine mollusc which has a glossy, brightly patterned domed shell with a long, narrow opening (https://en.oxforddictionaries.com). The word cowry comes from Hindi (Kauri) and ultimately from Sanskrit (Kaparda) in mid-17th century.

Biology
Cypraeidae is the common name of the cowries. It is a taxonomic family of small to large sea snails. The Scientific classification of Cowries is Kingdom- Animalia, Phylum- Mollusca, Class- Gastropoda, Subclass- Caenogastropoda, Order-Littorinimorpha, Superfamily- Cypraeoidea, Family- Cypraeidae, Ginus- Cypraea, Species- Monetariamoneta (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cowry, http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=216838).

Description and Characteristics
It is quite small porcelain, up to 3 cm (1.2 in), irregular and flattened, with very calloused edges and roughly sub hexagonal. The colour is pale (from white to dirty beige), but the dorsum seems transparent, often greenish grey with yellowish margins, with sometimes darker transverse strips and a fine yellow ring. The opening is wide and white, with pronounced denticules. The mantle of the live animal is mottled with black and dirty white (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetaria_moneta).

Distribution
This a very common species which is found widely in Indo Pacific tropical water and also in East and South Africa, Madagascar, the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, Maldives, eastern Polynesia, Galapagos, Clipperton, Cocos islands, off Central America, Southern Japan, Midway, Hawaii, New South Wales, and Lord Howe Island

Distribution of Cowries in the world

(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetaria_moneta).

Habitation
Cowries live in intertidal rocky areas and shallow tide pools among seaweed, coral remains, and empty bivalve shells. It can be found on and under rocks in shallow water and on exposed reefs at low tide. It feeds on algae and marine vegetation growing on loose rocks and pieces of dead coral

  Living Cowries

(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetaria_moneta).

Findings and Discussion

Cowries and Ambalangoda Harbour
As mentioned earlier the investigations carried out by the groups of Archaeology, Maritime archaeology and non-archaeology (1998, 2007 and 2012) have been unearthed a number of Cowry shells with other artifacts. Moreover, the MAU team conducted an excavation in 2012 to discover the wreck with Cowry shells and other artifacts, and it was failed.

Thousands of cowries have unearthed from the harbour in 1998 and 2007 (Karunarathna, 2016, 42-44). Especially in 2007, the contractors of Ambalangoda harbour Development project who carried out the dredging using heavy machines accidentally found a large scale of cowry shells and other artifacts (Karunarathna, 2016,44).

The morphological characteristics of studied sea shells, identified as the species of Monetaria moneta (MM) (Cowry shells); known as Kirikawadi in Sinhala. According to our measurements that could be identified each individual MM is about 11.54 mm x 07.93 mm to 21.11 mm x 15.31 mm in length and width, and 0.4g to 2.7g in weight.

       

Collection I of the MAU                                        Collection II of first Author

A part of the Database of the Cowries of the MAU

 FULL DATA BASE  (Full Data Base of the Cowries of the MAU)

    

Usage of the Cowries
Usage of the Cowries is going back to the prehistoric era. It occurs in Prehistoric sites in China and also the Harappan sites in northwest India. But cowries mostly used in the Historical period, sometimes together with coins. In the Middle Ganga valley excavation at Masaon brought to light a hoard of 3000 cowries in a port in level dated between 600-200 BCE. Cowries were also recovered from the Iron Age site of Khajuri, India (Prabha, H, 2003, 30-31). In the ancient world; Cowry shells (shell money) are used as an exchange media, and for other decorative and ceremonial purposes.(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shell_money,https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cowry).

The shell most widely used worldwide as currency was the shell of Cypraea moneta, (Alternative name for Monetaria moneta, it is the accepted name for cowry) the money cowry. MM is can be seen in the Indian ocean and was collected in the Maldives, Sri Lanka, Borneo, other East Indian islands, and in various parts of the African coast from Ras Hafun to Mozambique. Cowry shell money was important at one time or another in the trade networks of Africa, South Asia, and East Asia (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shell_money).

A print from 1845 shows cowry shells being used as money by an Arab trader (https://climbcarstensz.wordpress.com/2013/08/02/cowrie-shells-more-than-simply-shell-money/)

In the 19 century, 10 money cowries could buy a chicken, and 30 money cowries could buy a bride. After only fifty years later, inflation raised prices dramatically; a chicken required 300 cowries, and a bride was an astounding 3500 (http://www.theconesnail.com/meetthesnails/cowries/cypraeamoneta).

MM was more important in China. Cowry shells, or copies of the shells, were used as Chinese currency. The Classical Chinese character for ÔÇ£money/currencyÔÇØ, Þ▓Ø, originated as a pictograph of a cowry shell (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shell_money, Ke Peng Ke, 1995, p1). Cowry known as kaudiin Orissa, India, Kaudi was used till 1805. But it was replaced by the British East India Company (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shell_money). The Ojibway aboriginal people (North America) use cowry shells which are called sacred Miigis Shells or white shells in Midewiwin ceremonies (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cowry).

Cowry shells are also worn as jewelry or otherwise used as ornaments or charms. They are viewed as symbols of womanhood, fertility, birth and wealth. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cowry). Cowries are using for traditional board games in various countries, for example, Nepal, India and Sri Lanka

Conclusion
The usage of the cowry shells that discovered from the Ancient harbour Ambalangoda was not yet revealed. However, this could be identified as a MM collection which related to a shipwreck that sank in the harbour; based on the context of the site, discovered artifacts belong to a shipwreck, and no any other MM collections (similar to Ambalangoda) found from coast areas of Sri Lanka.

consider about the Maldives, they provided the main source of cowry shells, throughout Asia and parts of the East African coast. Huge amounts of Maldivian cowries were introduced into Africa by slave traders (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetaria_moneta). Cowry shells were commonly used as an exchange media in many areas in the world until the late 19th century (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetaria_moneta). According to this fact, the chronology of the possible wreck at Amblanoda will go back to the above era. By the beginning of the 20 century, cowry shell money had lost itsÔÇÖ value and was no longer used as currency in Africa. While it lasted, the Arabs and Europeans made a huge profit on cowry shells; it is thought that in the hundred years after 1660, the Dutch alone brought in 4.7 billion money cowrie shells into Africa, which they traded for ivory, gold and slaves (http://www.theconesnail.com/meetthesnails/ cowries/cypraeamoneta).

Probably, the cowries that unearthed from the Amblangoda harbour used as shell money by the crew of the possible ship (sank in the harbour) or used as an export item for the other foreign countries.

Acknowledgement
Director General, Department of Archaeology, Director General, Central Cultural Fund, Mr. Nandadasa Samaraweera, Mr. Rasika Mutukumarana, Maritime Archaeology Team of the MAU, Mr. Agasthi Kalansuriya, Ms. Piyumi Embuldeniya, Mr. Danushka Shamal, Mr. Saman Gallage and Mrs Harsha Subashini, Laboratory of the MAU.

References
1. Ambalangoda Exploration & Excavation Report ÔÇô 2012, Maritime Archaeology Unit, Galle, Unpublished, 2012.
2. Gunawardane, A.D.S. 2001.Tisara Sandesaya. Colombo 10: Samayawadana, 2001.
3. Jayatilake, K. 2002.Wimarshana Sahitha Parevi Sandesaya. Gangodawila: Pradeepa publishers, 2002.
4. Jayatilaka, Gihan; Nerina de Silva. 1998.Ambalangoda Shipwreck Report on a Prelminarii Investigation. s.l. : Unpublished, 1998.
5. Karunarathna, Mahinda; W.M Chandrarathne. 2016. Maritime Archaeology in Ancient harbour at Ambalangoda.       Colombo 7: Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka, 2016.
6. Karunarathna, Mahinda; Mohamed Sultan; W.M Chandrarathne. 2016Two Arabic Epigraphs found from the     Ambalangoda Harbour, Proceeding of the National Archaeological Symposium, 2016, Department of Archaeology,  Ministry of Education.
7. Peng, Ke, Yanshi Zhu, New Research on the Origin of Cowries used in Ancient China, Sino-Platonic Papers, No 68, 1995.
8. Prabha, H, The Archaeology of Seafaring in Ancient South Asia, Cambridge University Press, 2003.
9. The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2005, vol:1,, page: 508, 509, 51015th Edition, 2005, U.S.A.
10. http://teachersites.schoolworld.com/webpages/GHurst/files/cowry%20shells.pdf
11. http://www.marinespecies.org/aphia.php?p=taxdetails&id=216838
12. http://www.gastropods.com/6/Shell_76.shtml
13. https://climbcarstensz.wordpress.com/2013/08/02/cowrie-shells-more-than-simply-shell-money/

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Introduction

The Prison cell of the last King of Kandy, King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha in Colombo fort is a somewhat well-known monument. Although most individuals working in the Fort area do not notice it, it is a famous destination for tourists. It is situated within the premises of the Ceylinco House building down Janadipathi Mawatha (QueenÔÇÖs Street) at the turn off to Bank of Ceylon Mawatha. The aim of this article is to see if this is really the prison cell of the last King or something else; as there appear currently two traditions to this story, a common tradition and an academic tradition.

Description

The present monument is in the shape of a half capsule with the curved half facing north containing the chamber. The structure is roughly 12 feet in length, 11 feet in width and about 8 feet in height. The entrance to the chamber is 3 feet wide facing north with two small vertical openings on either side with two iron bars; the width of the walls is approximately 2 feet. The outer surface is decorated with 6 simple pilasters. The structure contains a vaulted roof with the exterior decorated in scales with a circular ventilation duct figuring prominently on top. At the rear end of the structure is a sculptured bust of King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha with an inscription underneath. Close to the entrance fixed onto the wall is another inscription in Sinhala and English which states the capture of the King and his imprisonment in this chamber. Further within the chamber are portraits of the King and Queen, that of Governor Robert Brownrigg and Adigar Pilimatalawe. Also is a painting of the tomb of the King in Vellore and the ship on which he was deported to India.

The Investigation

The King in Colombo

The popular story goes that the King was kept in a cell within the fort of Colombo before his departure, but is it the actual story? Was he imprisoned or placed under house arrest as said by some?

King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha was captured on the 18^th February 1815 in Madamahanuwara and was transferred to Colombo without entering Kandy. On the 6^th of March the King and his escort entered the Colombo fort where they were received by Colonel Kerr, the commandant of the garrison. Here the King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha remained for nearly a year till the 24^th of January 1816 when he and his family was deported to Vellore aboard the HMS Cornwallis.

According to the Official Government Gazette and the writings of Dr. Henry Marshall, he was kept in a house and placed under house arrest, and not in a cell.

To quote the Gazette No. 704, Wednesday, 15^th March 1815:

On the Monday following Major Hook with the Detachment under his command escorting the late King of Kandy and his family entered the FortHe is logged in a House in the Fort which has been suitably prepared for his reception and is stockaded round to prevent any intrusion on his privacy

This being an official Government document cements the fact that he was placed in a house specially prepared for him as mentioned above. Further the account of Dr. Henry Marshall too is to be noted here.

Dr. Henry Marshall was a British Army surgeon who served in the island from 1806 to 1821. He is a celebrated Army Doctor and is considered the ÔÇÿFather of Army MedicineÔÇÖ, retiring as the Deputy Inspector General of Army Hospitals of the British Empire. In his celebrated work Ceylon: a general description of the island and its inhabitants, with a historical sketch of the conquest of the colony by the English published in 1846 and reprinted by Tisara Prakasakayo in 1969, he gives an accurate and neutral description of the island and the events in its conquest, even being critical of his own, the British, in their conduct of the 1818 rebellion. In the above work he gives a detailed account of the last King, his appearance, his character and a very neutral look at his rise and fall. In it he states that

ÔÇ£ the prison or house provided for him was spacious, and handsomely fitted up. He was obviously well pleased with his new adobe, and upon entering it, observed, ÔÇ£As I am no longer permitted to be a King, I am thankful for the kindness and attention which have been shown to meÔÇØ

Adding further in his book he also gives a dialog between him and the King in Colombo, whom he was requested to visit professionally; he states that he found the king frank and affable and willing to converse on any subject. It is given that apart from Kandyan matters, the former King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha also asked Dr. Marshall aspects of his personal life such as the duration of his stay in the island, and his home in England.

The writings of Dr. Marshall, a contemporary of the present events at discussion, further confirm beyond doubt, of the King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha being placed within a house in the fort and not in a prison cell.

Having given facts that dispel the myth of the late King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha being placed in a cell, it is important to see the whereabouts of the said house. Through a brief study done by the writer, only the reference from R. L. BrohierÔÇÖs Changing Face of Colombo was found indicating the location of the said house. He states it to be a Dutch dwelling house, which was later occupied by the Darley Butler firm; this is the present site of the Ceylinco House, the location of the present monument.

An investigation into the location of this site through the maps in National Archives and the Comprehensive Atlas of the Dutch United East India Company Vol. IV Ceylon, found indeed this location to be a residential block. From the maps of 1733 and 1756-59 from Comprehensive Atlas of the Dutch United East India Company Vol. IV Ceylon, it is clear that the block along the Janadipathi Mawatha from Ceylinco House to the National Mutual Building (Center Point Building) was a residential area for officers of the Dutch East India Company.

Thus it is clear that the present site of the Ceylinco House was the site of a Dutch house during the 1700s and would have most likely been there in 1815, which is just 19 years after the takeover of the Colombo fort by the British.

The identity of this building

Having proved the stay of the King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha in a house and not a cell, the next question raised is as to the true identity of the present monument which is said to be the cell of the king. When was it built? What was its purpose?  R. L. Brohier states the following in his Changing Face of Colombo:

ÔÇ£a quaint concrete cubicle in which a man can barely sit, is displayed in the court-yard off the foyer of Ceylinco House. It is popularly accredited to have been the cell in which King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha was restrained- mind you, for nearly one year. On the face of the written word and evidence of once own eyes, the assumption is a travesty. The monument has no greater significance possibly than that of having been a sentry box set up at the gate-way to the adjoining garrison building erected by the British in 1875 (Echelon square buildings- now demolished)ÔÇØ

Thus R. L. Brohier claims that this was a guardhouse of the adjoining Echelon barracks. To further test this, the writer conducted a deeper inquiry using two approaches, one, to examine on the location of the site and two, to the nature of the building.

The first approach is an examination of the location of the site and its built history.

Between the timeline of the Dutch house and the present Ceylinco building on this block, is another building, that of the Darley Butler building owned by the company of the same name (plus some unidentified smaller buildings adjoining the east of Darley Butler building on the same block). Tracing the monument here could help fit it in a particular context.

By the 1860s, prior to the removal of the ramparts, the Darley Butler building had been established on the site as per an old photograph, and continued till 1960/61 when it was demolished during the building of the present Ceylinco House. The foundation for the present Ceylinco House was cut on 21^st October 1955 and completed on 20^th October 1962. As per figure 3, a 1960 aerial image, and comparing the ground plan with the 1904/5 map, the superstructure of the Ceylinco building was constructed on the south-east section of this block, while the Darley Butler building (on the northwest section of the block) remained standing. However it may have been demolished between 1961 and 1962 and would now comprise the area of the car park situated just behind the Ceylinco House.

It is interesting to note here as mentioned in the book ÔÇÿWhen the going gets tough, the tough gets going: a history of Ceylinco InsuranceÔÇÖ that during the construction of the present Ceylinco House, within the eight foot deep foundation, there had been a viaduct about 6 ┬¢ feet in height and also was found the remains of human bones without the skull; and also that architects confirmed that the Darley Butler building was built on the site of an old Dutch house.

Accordingly prior to the removal of the ramparts, to the northeast of this block was the Dutch Hospital, to the south the Middleburg bastion and to the southwest the Galle gate. After the removal of the ramparts, bordering this site to the south was the Echelon barracks.

Understanding the context of the Darley Butler building and the Ceylinco House, now the monument in its built context will be looked at. The map of 1904/5 of Colombo shows a small box shaped structure just bordering the Darley Butler building to the south, a closer examination of it from a much clearer map of 1938 showed this particular structure within the boundary of the Echelon barracks, it appears to have been a guardroom as there is an entrance to the barracks just by it facing QueenÔÇÖs road.

The Echelon barracks built on Echelon square was the new military barracks built by the British in 1875. It was constructed on the area which comprised of the Middleburg and Rotterdam bastions and the adjoining rampart and moat. The barracks comprised of four large barrack blocks positioned in the echelon formation and other buildings with a large ground in the center. Its present area comprises of the properties of the World Trade Center, BOC Tower, the Galadari and Hilton.

As stated above, the small box on map of 1904/5 appears to be a guardroom to the entrance of Echelon barracks situated just behind the Darley Butler building. This could be clearly seen from the below photograph of a date around the 1920s/30s(figure 6). It appears square in form and is clearly seen next to the small entrance to Echelon barracks. When analyzing the position of this guardroom and the present monument, they fall perfectly in the same location.

Further taking the 1904/5 map, when drawing a horizontal line from it towards the west, it falls exactly to the turn off to Flagstaff Street. This is the same when a horizontal line is drawn from the present monument towards the west. And further analyzing the position of the guardroom and the present monument from the 1904/5 map, an aerial image of 1960 and a present satellite image in relation to the Darley Butler building and the Ceylinco House, it clearly shows that both the guardroom and the present monument are the same.

     

But then this brings us to another problem, the outlook of the present monument looks totally different to the guardroom. From the map of 1904/5 and figure 6, it clearly shows it to be a square shaped building with a tiled roof. But figure 3 taken from the BaurÔÇÖs building in 1960 shows the present monument with its prominent vaulted roof and ventilation duct.

This brings to conclusion that as both the guardroom and the present monument fit to the same location, there appears to have been a modification or complete remodeling effected to the guardroom by 1960. The purpose of this we do not know. An argument can be thrown at this here is that, if that was the guardroom of the QueenÔÇÖs Street entrance of Echelon barracks, what was it doing within the Ceylinco House premises when the Echelon barracks existed well beyond the construction of the Ceylinco House (Echelon barracks were demolished in the 1980s). For this, a clearer examination from the plans, maps and images by the writer showed that the Ceylinco House premises had in fact slightly extended southwards to the premises of the barracks; this may have been the case during the acquisition of the property, but the exact nature of which we do not know. Therefore the once guardroom of the Echelon barracks was now within the premises of the Ceylinco House.

For the second approach, the nature of the building can be looked at; is it a prison, a sentry box/guardroom, or even a storage chamber? The writer wrote to the Fortress Study Group UK, which is a professional body on the study of artillery and fortifications, on the possible identification of this building. They responded saying that ÔÇ£it does not look like a prisonÔÇØ and that it may well be a guard house.

Conclusion

In conclusion, and regarding the identity of this monument, both approaches used, identified it to a guard house/guardroom; with the first approach being the more conclusive. Therefore the present monument was indeed a guardroom of the Echelon barracks as stated by Dr. R. L. Brohier. So as to why its appearance was changed and then being associated with being the prison cell of the last King, we may never know. Somewhere down the line for political reasons or either, this claim was brought up and acted upon officially by the authorities. This is a protected archaeological monument at present and contains the official Department of Archaeology description as well as a granite inscription stating the same.

Further as mentioned in the introduction, the story of this site as the prison cell of the last King has two traditions, the common and the academic. According to the common tradition and as per the inscriptions on the monument, it is the cell of the last King; but this is proved wrong as mentioned above. In the academic tradition, it is well known that the King was placed in a house and not a cell.

It is clear from this article that the King was not kept in a cell and that the present monument belongs to a later period. This article aims at changing this public opinion and bringing it in line with the accepted academic tradition, by providing evidence to support the claim.

This is a humble request to all enthusiasts and tour operators – do not mislead the tourist on this site as the cell of King Sri Wickrama Rajasingha; but it still could be taken as a ‘Monument’ to the Last King of Sri Lanka of the location where he last stayed in the island before his departure to India.

References:

• Brohier, R. L., Changing Face of Colombo, 1984.
• Macmillan, A., Extract from Sea Ports of India and Ceylon, 2005
• Marshall, H., Ceylon, 1846, (reprint 1969).
• Pieris, P. E., Tri Simhala: The Last phase, 1939.
• Perere, J. G., When the going gets tough, the tough gets going: a history of Ceylinco Insurance, 2011.
• Ranasinghe, D., The Faithful Foreigner, Thilo Hoffmann, The Man Who Saved Sinharaja, 2015
• Van Diessen, R., & Nelemans, B., Comprehensive Atlas of the Dutch United East India Company Vol. IV Ceylon,
• Wright, A., 20^th Century Impressions, 1907.
• British documents and maps from the National Archives
• Gazette No. 704, Wednesday, 15^th March 1815

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