Epigraphy of the Sigiriya-Dambulla Region

Raj Somadeva

Introduction

Scattered in the 446.6 squre miles which from the study area (Bandaranayake 1990 : 14) lie nearly 300 lithic records. The evidence from these inscriptions gives an insight in to the development of the society which created them and so they cannot be ignored in a study of the Settlement Archaeology of the area. These inscriptions have served as vehicles of mass media at the time of their creation. Since these inscriptions containing information on edicts, ideas, prasastis, donations, etc. remain unchanged, they are a ready and reliable source of information for the present archaeologists to reconstruct the social history of a people of the past.

The facts which these inscriptions reveal belong more to a literary than an archaeological context. So, on grasping the time and spatial context in which an inscription was made, the literary evidence it brings out gives a clue to understanding the material culture of its contemporary society and the social milieu that existed.

All the inscriptions, which were found after extensive exploration, have been included in this study. there is no doubt there could be others which have not given up the secret of their location. This exploration was as wide as the limited resources of time and man power could be stretched. The inscriptions found have been categorized according to chronology and type (see fig. 13 : 2).

The inscriptions of the area can be classified into two groups: those which express a complete idea, and those which are isolated symbols that cannot be interpreted. As both categories are the result of human activity and endeavour, they are discussed as a total collection and not as two distinct groups.

The principal aim of this exploration was to record as large a collection of inscriptions as possible.Some of those collected have already been read and published. Deciphering and publishing the new finds, identifying and mapping the locations and making an analytical study of all the epigraphical materials which were found within the study area followed.

The inscriptions met the needs of a mass communication system, hence it was imperative that they should stand at places frequently by the people for whose benefit the information (in the inscriptions) was meant, so that the purpose of the announcement was fulfilled. This does not follow that every such location was asettlement. These inscriptions may have stood at crossroads, fords, market places, entrepots or places where people gathered periodically, although they did not settle in the immediate vicinity. A study of the location of the  inscriptions from an archaeological point of view, shows clearly that they stood in close proximity to or at purana settlements, high roads and trade centres.

The above principles can be applied very profitably can be applied very profitable to analyze the distribution pattern of the inscriptions in the region. Although there is evidence of a connection between the geology of the region and this distribution pattern, it is also seen that there is a close correlation between the settlement pattern and the inscriptions themselves, quite apart from the geological factors.

Distribution.

There have been found only two inscriptions in the southern bank of the Kiri oya which falls within the easternmost corner of the region (see fig. 13:3). Of them, one dating to the 10th century AD is found close to the now abandoned Peikkulam tank ; the other is of the 3rd century AD, located in the lower alluvial plain at Vavala (Manatunga 1990:82). This sector of the region has a topography which shows rocky outcrops that fall between 800 and 2200ft. contours. The landscape shows eroded rock remnants (Epitawatte 1990) which render the land unsuitable for Dry Zone swidden cultivation (Swan 1987:124-7). These geographical factors must have precluded settlement in this area, thus causing a very low population density, giving rise to no necessity for population movement, as the area is not very accessible and further travelling is impeded by the physical character of the land. In total contrast to the above, we see that the Sigiriya and Dambulla region has an abundance of inscriptions, dating to several phases of history; and so we can conjecture that this region must have been an area of  continuous human occupation through many centuries.

Archaeological sources other than these inscriptions give strong evidence that the Sigiriya-Dambulla region has been the site of intense cultural activity and was the settlement nuclei through long periods in history. Bandaranayake (1990:21-32) also refers to the above factor.

There are marked changes in the distribution pattern and density of inscriptions within each of the sub-phases of major divisions of history.Although the underlying reasons for this are unclear, it can be inferred that the expansion and contraction of regional land use and the fluctuation of regional ocupational patterns must in no small way have influenced and pressurized them.

In an overview of the total distribution within the region, it is possible to trace two patterns of locational setting: concentrations and isolated sites. Into the concentration pattern fall sites which were either centres of political importance or monastic centres, such as Dambulla, Sigiriya,Kaludiyapokuna, Pidurangala, etc. Viyaulpota and Habarana stand as examples of isolated sites.

Chronology

Inscriptions dating between the 3rd century BC and the 18th century AD have been found distributed all over the island (EZ V 1-6). Although there are variations in form and content, it is not difficult to trace the development and evolution of the inscriptions themselves, through these 21 centuries.Epigraphists for the purpose of study have divided the body of the island’s inscriptions according to there chronology (Tennakoon 1957 ; Karunarathne 1984). To attempt to classify the inscriptions within a historical division of time, based on dynastic changes and the rise and fall of kingdoms,as is the system folllowed by the historians, is not theoritically sound or acceptable.

On the contrary, dating the inscriptions must be founded on a close examination of their paleography, language and the evolution patterns that these fields have undergone. Definite explanations are difficult to find for either the longterm changes, or the sudden stylistic variations which occur in the script and usage. These cannot be relegated to a fixed time or space, but the cumulative effects of the elasticity, or rigidity, of the current foreign policies, invasions, migrations and immigrations and the expantion and contraction of trade, must have played a subtle part in these changes.

Epigraphists agree that the 3rd century BC to the 7th century AD is the first major period of lithic record in Sri Lanka (Tennakoon 1957 ; Karunaratne 1984). Although there are many paleographic changes within these ten centuries, the script still holds many of the basic characteristics of the original Brahmi letters.

However for the purpose of the study, the thousand years between the 3rd century BC and the 7th century AD are divided into three phases: (1) 3rd century BC to 1st century AD- Early Brahmi phase; (2) 1st century AD to 5th century AD-Brahmi phase; (3) 5th century AD to 7th century AD- Later Brahmi phase.

The 3rd century BC to 1st century AD is designated as the early Brahmi phase, as the oldest script known in the island dates to this period. The early Brahmi script, dating to the reign of the Mauryan empereor Asoka of India (268 BC) is used on the donatory inscriptions above the drip ledges of the rock shelters that were used as monastic dwellings, during this period. No considerable development or significant change in the script can be noticed during these 400 years. For this reason this period is considered here as the first or Early phase of the script.

There is a clear development in the characters of the post 1st century AD period. The extending of vertical strokes downward, a noticeable rounding leftwards, and the agglomeration of signs and marks without phonetic value, are charateristics of the second, or Brahmi phase. Other scholars have made comparative studies of  the Brahmi script of this phase and the contemporary scripts of Southern and Western India (Wickramesinghe 1904 ; Karunaratna 1984). In this study, theera is refered to as the Brahmi phase, on consideration of the evolution of the script and the fact that it retained its basic original forms all through its evolution. Further, this period is considered separately, since this phase marks the beginning of  an unbroken evolution of the script, which continued into later phases.

The script of the 5th-7th centuries shows the beginning of the transition from Brahmi to Sinhala. Some of the letters are more rounded, and a slight evolution of the original Brahmi, which makes its roots almost untraceable, is a significant fact in the study of the characters. But some characters still continue to hold similarities to their root. For these reasons this timespan is referred to here as the Later Brahmi period.

During the period between 7th century AD and 12th century AD we find a very marked and rapid evolution of the script taking place. Since the first two centuries show only very slow changes, and the following two centuries evidence a rapid rate of change, these two sub-phases are considered as seperate phases.Taken collectively, these five centuries can be considered the evolutionary stage from Brahmi to Sinhala, hence the period is reffered to as the ‘Brahmi-Sinhala Transitional Period’. The final stage of transformation, or the Proto-Sinhala phase, occurs during the 12th and 15th centuries.Although the characters are not those of today’s Sinhala,they are remarkably akin to the script in use today. The post-15th century saw the completion of the transformation into Modern Sinhala.

The chronology is based on the principles of division described above(see fig. 14:2). A chart showing the density and dispersal of inscriptions within the region is shown (see fig. 14:4)

Source Material

Most of the inscriptions within this area have been read and published previously by eminent scholars.A large number of Early Brahmi inscriptions at Sigiriya, Dambulla, Ambulambe, Kandalama and Digampatha have been published in ASCAR (1911-12) and the corpus of the Brahmi inscriptions of Ceylon by Paranavitana (1970). Several inscriptions were recently uncovered by the Cultural Tringle project team at Dambulla. (DE.1988) Ranawella (1984) has documented some inscriptions from the environs of Sigiriya. Very recently a hitherto unknown inscription was discovered at Unalugala by the exploration team of the current SARCP project. Of the six lithic records attributable between the 1st and 2nd centuries AD that have been found in the study area, only two have been published. They are the Habarana rock inscription (Muller 1883) and the Dambulla rock inscription (Paranavitana 1983). The Nirauva, Beliyakanda and Kaluarachchigama rock inscriptions (Somadeva 1990) have also been recently deciphered. The slab inscription at Pidurangala, which can be ascribed to the 6th or 7th century AD, and a pillar inscription from Egodavava, in the vicinity of Sigiriya, which can be ascribed to the 10th century AD, are being edited by the author.

Only one inscription dated between the 10th and 12th centuries AD has been found in this area. This is credited to be the work of King Nissankamalla (1187-1196 AD) (Wickramesinghe 1904). No inscriptions belonging to the period between the 12th and 15th centuries have been recorded. The only inscription that falls into the Modern period is that found at the Dambulla cave complex, said to be the work of Sri Vira Parakrama Narendrasinha (1707 AD).

The Early Brahmi Period

Alyhough there is no final consensus on the earliest date for the Brahmi inscriptions found in the rest of the island, it is possible to ascribe the earliest date for those within the present study area definitely to the first half of the 2nd century BC. The basis for this is the Early Brahmi cave inscription at Dambulla, which says: “Devanapiya maharajhasa Gamini Tisasa mahalene agata anagata catu disa sagasa dine” (“The great cave of the great king Gamini Tissa, the friend of the gods (is given) to the sangha of the four quarters present and absent”). Paranavitana (1970:Lii) accounts Devanapiya Gamini reffered to in this inscription to be Saddhatissa. In yet another inscription in the vicinity that reads: “Damarakita-teraha lene agata anagata cutu disa sagasa dine Gamini Abayasa rajhiyahi karite.”- “The cave of the elder Dhammarakkita (is given) to the sangha of the four quarters present and absent (the cave ) fashioned in the reign of  Gamini Abhaya”- we find a Gamini Abaya referred to. This individual could well be Saddhatissa’s predecessor, his brother Dutugamunu (161-137 BC) (Paranavitana 1970 : Lii). As with all the inscriptions of the period spread over the island, those of this area are also associated with rock shelters (Paranavitana 1970:xv). Hence the location of rock shelters has been one of the most salient factors that determined the distribution and dispersal patterns of inscriptions belonging to this period.

Although every rock shelter does not bear an inscription (Adikari this volume) those that do are found at well drained locations free from water-logging and damp, but with easy access to a perennial water supply. The agglomeration of inscriptions of the Early Brahmi period, in the Mirisgoni Oya basin, Sigiri Oya basin and Dambulla Oya basin, highlights this basis for choice of shelters for occupation.

The brevity of the texts is a common feature of inscriptions belonging to the period. Within the study area, as elsewhere, the inscriptions only testify to the donation of the cave. The donors’ and the recipients, who are invariably reffered to as “agatha anagata chatudisa sagasa dine” – which translates: “to the members of the sangha of the four directions present and absent” – are not identified by name. Although this is the general rule, there are a few which omit one or the other of the points mentioned above (IC No. 859/861 and 865). Although these inscriptions are brief, the texts tell us directly or indirectly of the political, social and economic conditions of the times.

The naming of kings and provincial rulers in these donatory texts is a pointer to the fact that the one time rulers of the area had associated themselves zealously with the affairs of religion and supported the sangha in the spread of Buddhism.

The Early Brahmi inscriptions of the study area show that the only figure of note in the contemporary political area was Saddhatissa (137-119 BC). Futher, the Ambulambe cave inscription (ASCAR 1911-12:121) speaks of a pachina raja whom the historians have recognized as a provincial ruler. According to Paranavitana’s interpritation, this inscription (IClxiii) pachina raja (Skt: prachina raja) denotes hereditary or dynastic kingship. If Paranavitana’s interpritation (which he justifies by presenting the argument that the early Chola kings were referred to by the title muttaiyar, which by connotation is linguistically equivalent to pachina raja) is acceptable, it can be inferred that before political authority was centralized under a single canopy of kingship, there must have existed a plurality of authority under  several independent rulers.

Gunawardana (1985) has expressed these same views and also drawn attention to the fact that by an analysis of the Ambulambe inscriptions it is possible to trace the genealogy of  a pachina raja. Such geneaologies can be read in some of the inscriptions particularly of southern Sri Lanka. These inscriptions refer not only to a king-maharajah and provincial rulers, but also to a title called parumaka (Skt: pramukha). Many scholars have put forward various interpritations and theories around this term, but their central idea is that parumaka referred to an elite strata in the administrative system (Ellavala 1969; Paranavitana 1980). Fourteen parumaka are referred to in the inscriptions within the study area. The parumaka of the Kandalama cave inscription (IC no:860) has also been totabojhika (Skt: tritha bhojaka) that is to say, one who enjoyed the revenue from a ferry. It is remarkable that most of the references to parumaka are found in the inscriptions of the Dambulla monastic cave complex.

The gamika (Skt: gramika) – village elder or leader – and the gahapati (Skt: gruhapati) – householder – are named in several of them, thus showing that the concept of identity of family and village had been established in society by this time. This is further strengthened by the fact that one gamika and six gahapati are mentioned in the inscriptions in this area.

Often included in these donatory inscriptions are terms of kinship, such as bariya (Skt: bharya) – wife – ” Tisa ayaha bariya upasika rakiya lene” – (“The cave of female lay devotee Raki, wife of prince Tissa”) (IC no.832), jita (Skt: duhitru) – daughter – “gamika Vahaba jhitaya parumaka Pushadeva jhaya(ya) lene upashika Sivaya lene” – (The cave of lay devotee Siva, wife of parumaka Pussadeva, daughter of gramika Vasabha”) (IC no.853), puta (Skt: putra) – son – “pachina rajha puta Tisayaha lene” (“The cave of prince Tissa, son of the pachina king.”) (IC no.831). The names of five gam – villages – also occur in the writing. (Seneviratne 1990). So we can infer that they must have been situated in close proximity.

In his study

Related posts:

Posted in Uncategorize