Prof. Raj Somadewa

Sri lanka has a great tradition of written sources of historical information extending from about 250 BC until end of the kandyan regime in the second half of the 19 century AD. This significant tradition of literacy can be divided in two main parts.The most archaic part of this tradition represented by the inscriptions carved on mighty rock boulders and drip-ledges of the natural cave shelters which were used by the ascetic monks right after the advent of Buddhism in the latter half of the first millennium BC (Paranavithana 1970). The main intention of inditing most of these inscriptions was to register the donations made by the rulers to the Buddhist religious institutes. However, among the texts of these records it contain insentient information of different aspects of the contemporary society such as politics,economy etc. The main objective of this article is to survey the information that would help to reconstruct the nature of the early economic development in Sri Lanka.

The Phases

In a broad sense, the history of the incipient economic activities of  Sri Lanka can be traced back to even up to the pre-historic age. Several ecofacts reported from different location by the archaeologists are the main sources of information of those activities. For instance, the molluscan shells with marine origin found from Kithulgala, in the wet lowland area can be regarded as one of a media of exchange or otherwise someone may have determinedly transported them across to two different echo zones. Most probably this would have been a primitive way of  transaction between the Mesolithic communities at that time (Deraniyagala 1990). In the same manner , several molluscan shells of wetland origin has been reported from a site called  Aligala in the Dry zone (Karunarathne et al. 1994).

Apart from primitive mode of transaction , there is enough evidence to affirm that the Sri Lankan society had been intensively engaged in the economic activities from the beginning of the 900BC. The period between 900BC and 400BC can be identified as a phase with new cultural dimensions.The preceding stone technology had been transformed to a more advance metal technology at that time.Settled incipient agricultural villages emerged as a result of the change in the subsistence pattern from hunting and gathering to the basic swiden cultivation (Begly 1980), (Deraniyagala 1990).

After the discovery of iron and the introduction of incipient agriculture to the local society, several measures of basic economy have been gradually evolved. The materials unearthed from two main excavations at the iron age sites have revealed artifacts that would confirm this statement. The artifacts found from the excavation at Ibbankatuva iron age cemetery situated in the Matale district of the Central Province included an elaborately designed necklace consisting of more than 300 beads made out of semi-precious stones such as Carnelian, Onyx which were not available in Sri Lanka. Those exotic items may have been imported from peninsular India which is the closest place of origin of those semiprecious stones in about 700 BC according to the 14C determinations obtained from the Ibbankatuva materials. From that period until the emergence of literacy in circa 250 BC, the economy of the inland society has continuously become more complex.

Economy in early historic phase

Approximately, 4000 lithic inscriptions have been found in Sri lanka aggregating to the period been between 250BC-50AD. These inscriptions bear short statements relating to the donations of the natural cave shelters to the Buddhist clergy by the various people in the contemporary society. However, some valuable information which could help in reconstruct the economy and the related phenomena in the coeval social fabric can hardly ever be  extracted from the sententiousness of these inscriptions.

The authority

The authority of manipulating and controlling the economy of the entire island appeared to have been not properly centralized during that period. The inscriptions frequently mention a title of an official called parumaka that held the power of exploiting inland revenue. For example the parumaka named-Uttara that had been mentioned in the Kandalama cave inscription of the Matale district, it reffered to as a tax collector of the adjacent ferry.1Paranavithana has pointed out that these Parumakas were from the land based elite group that corresponded to the landership of the groups of people who were independently isolated in the various locations of the contemporary settelement areas. (Paranavithana 1970: Ixxii). There were about 400 individuals who bear the title parumaka that had been reffered in the inscriptions belonging to the period of 300 years. Gunawardhana (1985) argued elsewhere that these parumakas can be considered as those dispered im the decentralized polities exercising economic power before the emergence of the centralized State.

Apart from the parumakas there were other personal manes gamikas and gahapatis who were also mentioned in these inscriptions But the true nature of these characters in relation to the Island’s economy is still obscure.

After the ascendance of the Lambakarna dynasty, a clear catastrophic development in the authority of the economic activities had been observed.At that time the economic authority became centralized under the powerful Lambakarna rulers. It was also at this time that the political power of the island had been transmuted to centralization according to the archeological and historical evidence.

Agriculture

Agriculture and trade were the main sources of income of Sri Lanka at that time.Any indication of irrigated agriculture has very rarely come to light through the contemporary inscriptions.Small tanks were widespread all over the dry zone areas. The authority of maintaining such tanks was sometimes in the hands of private owners. The term vapihamika (Skt.vapi+swamika, lit ”Proprietor of the tank”)was used to denote the private tank owners .However ,it should not mean that the sole authority for the construction and the maintenance of tanks was vested in private enterprises.

The word avarana was used in the Gallenavihara cave inscription of the Kurunegala district to denote a dam constructed across a canal for irrigational purposes.

The mode of land utilization is also vital in agricultural activities. Inscriptions show that there were two methods of dividing land for agricultural purposes in the early stage. The first was based on the sowing extent of the land. The above mentioned Gallenavihara cave inscription indicated a term adakarihi bumi which means “half a karisa of land”.  The other method of dividing the land was directly breaking them into allotments. The Lenagala cave inscription of the Kegalle district mentioned about several land allotments itself termed as pataka (paranavithana 1970:60).The wet rice cultivations was always associated with the paddy fields .The inscriptions of  the historic period repeatedly mentioned about two kinds of paddy fields.The first category of paddy lands was called as keta (Skt. Kshetra).They were the large fields.The small tract of field was called as kubura.

The inland agriculture consisted of two types of systems. The most archaic method of it was the Sweden cultivation. However, unfortunately no information can be extracted from the early inscriptions about this mode of agriculture. This may have happened due to the reliable high productivity of wet rice cultivation that had attracted the north Indian immigrants to the island in the middle half of the 1^st millennium BC.

It should not be forgotten that animal husbandry was also practiced by the hinterland communities which was parallel to the other agricultureal activities.But,there is no sufficient evidence from the inscriptions to infer which varieties of animals were used at that time.However it is reasonable to assume that the cow was the main creature which was utilized by the farmers at that time.A cave inscription found from Avukana in the Anuradhapura district indicates a term tanabumi which is derived from Skt.Truna+bhumi meaning ”pasture land” or “grassland”probably used for animal husbandry.

The practice of horti-culture may have also played a vital role in the regional economies in the early period.Some references of gebim.(Skt.gruha+bhumi,lit.”home gardens” or “lands”) can be seen in the later period inscriptions(Buddannehela Pillar inscription,EZ Vol.I:198, 23-24).

Apart from the cultivation of paddy and other cereals such as undu(phaseolus mungo),ma.(vigna cylin drica),mun (phaseolus anreus) kurakkan(eleusive coracana) tata (corypha umbraculifera) amu (paspalum scrobiculatum) etc. some other plants were also cultivated in the estates (Siriweera 1978).For example the Mihintale rock inscription of King Mahadatika Mahanaga (7-19 AD) mentioned about a coconut  grove situated in the village called Agnagama (Paranavithana 1983 : 31).

Trade

There is enough evidence in the inscriptions to understand the nature of the trade carried on in the early Sri Lankan society. Trade was the main source of wealth of the people. The distinction between inland and long distance trade was distinctly visible. The term vanija which was used to denote the merchants appeared in a number of times in the early inscriptions.A cave inscription found from Sigiriya of the Matale district mentions of such a merchant who was then engaged in selling Tamarind (tamarindus indicus) (Paranavithana 1970 : 1186). Mostly the inland trade activities operated across the different eco-zones due to the non-availability of some resources in some areas. For instance, precious and semi-precious stones were transported from the gem bearing areas of wet lowlands and the intermediate zone of the island to the other areas. More than 15 varieties of such precious and semi precious stones were found from the excavations at Anuradhapura (ASCAR 1951 : 48-59) making a strong testimony to this factor. Conch shells, pearls and salt were brought from the maritime littoral areas to the hinterlands. How-ever, the inscriptions do not furnish enough information about this system of  exchange On the contrary, more information can be extracted from the literature such as Attakathas, the commentaries of the Buddhist cannos compiled in later centuries.

Long distance trade exclusively handled by the foreign merchants. The Diaspora settlements inhabited by migrated merchant communities had been dispersed along the coastal belt specially in the areas associated with the down reaches of the main rivers and there tributaries.Reference to these alien merchant communities have been inserted in the inscriptions with their own ethnic identities . Bovattegala cave inscription of the Hambantota district described a group of merchants called Kabojas. Paranavithana has identified in a later instant that these Kambojas had migrated from the north-western part of the Indian peninsula (EZ II : 74). It is probable that most of those foreign merchants were Tamil traders who migrated from the south Indian region.

The Periyapuliyankulam cave inscription (Paranavithana 1970 : 356) and the Kuduvil cave inscription of the Baticalo district mentions them as a group of such Tamil traders.It is evident that most of these merchant communities have organized themselves into guilds in their course of operation. Several times the word puga or pugiya appeared in the inscriptions.The literary meaning of the word puga is “the corporation”. Veherakema cave inscription shows a guild belonging to a corporation of weavers. Also the Kuduvil cave inscription has mentioned that such a merchant guild had operated in the Dighavapi area.

The contemporary inscriptions do not tell us about kind of goods that had been exchanged between these foreign merchants and the host communities.As indicated above, the literature compiled in later centuries included enough information in connection with trade items then exchanged. The archaeological excavations also revealed much data to widen the knowledge about the items exchanged. Perera has pointed out elsewhere that spices,gems, ivory and pearls had been exported and mostly ceramic, silk and aromatic items had been imported to the Island (Perera 1952). One of the poems indited at the 5th century AD. complex in Sigiriya mentioned about silk cloths imported from China (Paranavithana 1956). Weerakkody has published extensive literature regarding foreigners engaged in long distance trade with Serendib or Silendiba (Weerakkody 1984). Recently Gunawardhana and Prickett have also dealt with this subject (Prickett 1990)(Gunawardhane 1990). An rare information about a mariner who sailed to aplace called barukacaka from Sri Lanka has rendered a cave inscription which was found at Bagavalena of the Kandy district (ASCAR 1933 : 17).Bojakataka referred to in the existing inscription was the famous port situated on the western coast of India which  appeared as Bohjakataka in Indian literature and presently called Borach.

Crafts

Other than the agricultural and the trade efficacy, craft specialization was also vital for the economy. In the early stage Sri Lankan society had enjoyed several specializations in craft production. The contemporary inscriptions have not been able to give us a whole set of information in this regard, but occasional references are reflected in their texts. According to the information revealed by the early inscriptions it seems that the main crafts at that time were directly associated with natural resources which were exploited from their different locations.Therefore, the extraction of mineral resources may have played a crucial role in the contemporary economy.

The word kabara (Skt. Kammara) which appeared in the Mutugalla cave inscription had been used to describe an ironsmith (JRASCB NS V : 29). The same ironsmith named Naga who made this cave donation to the Buddhist sangha in the Ganekandavihara was a senior member of a merchant corporation named Sidaviya (JRASCB NS : V : 71)

Iron was not the only metal that was utilized for crafts. Copper was then a subsidiary metal for iron. The world Tabakara can be seen in early inscriptions to signify the coppersmiths (Paranavitana 1970 : 350). In very rare instances, tinsmiths were also mentioned in the early inscriptions.

There is uncertainty about gold mining in ancient Sri lanka. There was only one inscription in respect of goldsmiths. If gold had not been mined in the island,it may have been imported from the available countries. In the later period of history there was enough evidence to show the extensive use of gold for various purposes. In another cave inscription found at Mandagala mention of a goldsmith has also been made.(ASCAR 1934 : 21).

Apart from metals, natural rock minerals had also been exploited considerably. Among them the important rock minerals were precious and semi-precious stones.Those who exploited natural rock minerals have not only handled gem industry but also gem crafting. These craftsmen were described as manikaras (Parana-vitana 1970: 546).

Crafting ivory objects had also been practiced at that time. Sri lanka was famous for Ivory from the early years of first the millennium BC. Vegiriya Devala cave inscription in the Kandy district mentions about in ivory worker (Paranavitana 1970 : 807). There is no information concerning ceramic manufacture as a craft in the early Sri Lankan society. But potters were abundant.Most of domestic utensils may have been made out of clay. Potters had been described in the early inscriptions as kubakaras (ibid).

As specifically mentioned in an earlier instance, weavers may have enhanced the cotton industry to certain standards. some literary works compiled in later centuries indicated a world such as kapu hen which denotes chena cultivated cotton (Siriweera 1978 : 43).

Professions

The professions that had been practised during that time can be divided into two categories. They are institutionalized professions and individualized professions. Both categories were vital for developing the island’s economy.

An extensive list of institutionalized proffesions can be compiled with information found in these inscriptions. There is no sufficient space in this article to provide a complete account5 of all these professions separately. It is however appropriate to discuss here briefly about the officers who were directly involved in the day to day economic activities.

The Periyakadu Vihara cave inscription in the Kurunegala district has referred to the very important profession of coin minting. The inscription itself has termed it as rupadaka. The word rupadaka is derived from two Sanskrit words rupa + adyaksha meaning the mint master (CJSG II : 214). The subject of minting coins will be discussed later in this article.

It is important to note that several professions had been  mentioned in the inscriptions of the early period that formed an essential part of the contemporary economic mechanism. The main professions of this kind are the badakarikas (Skt. bhandagarika. lit.”treasurer”) The most noteworthy persons in some instanced were the  badakarikas and also the parumakas. They would have been the chief responsible officers for storing and distributing   agricultural products of the hinterland area of the island. But unfortunately the inscriptions do not give any further clues to understand how they organized and managed the distribution of the goods.

Ganakas (Skt. ganaka, lit. “accountant”) are the other officers who have occasionally been mentioned in the early inscriptions. There had been eight such ganakans during the period between 250 BC to 10 BC in the Silavakananada cave inscription of the Hambantota district mention had been made of a joint donation made by such ganaka 27 to the Buddhist sangha (JRASCB II : 137)

The individual professions were numerous They varied from painters (citakaras), dancers (natas), arches (danugas)to the nagarasobhinis (“she who lends charm to the city”) (Parana vitana  1970 : 1010).

Inland revenue

From the period between 250 BC  up to the end the 1st century AD, the development of the inland revenue system  in the Sri Lanka was vary clear .this development occurred parallely to the Centralization of the political structure of the island. In the period after 40 BC, it can be seen that a system of taxation had gradually been evolved. There were three kinds of taxes that had been described in the contemporary inscriptions.

Among those there taxes, the prominently described tax was the bojakapati. This had been derived from a Sanskrit word bhojaka prapti meaning tax gathered from the land consumers of the island.29 It was the main tax had been collected by the state. This tax was 1/6 of the entire income obtained from the property.

Another tax frequently mentioned in the inscriptions during the period was the water tax. It is termed in the inscription as dakapati. Etymologically this word had been derived from Sanskrit word udaka prapti to mean that the levied had been from the users of the water of the state owned reservoirs.

The third tax called matara majibaka in the inscription was the tax levied from the people who caught fish in the water courses (ASCAR 1955 : 35). matara maji baka is a derivation from the combination of the Sanskrit of the Sanskrit phrase matrika matsya bhaga meaning these tax was levided for catching fish in the minor canals or water courses.

Godavaya rock inscription of  the Hambantota district contained a word as suka suriyi giving us another kind of revenue of the contemporary period Paranavitana states that the meaning of this world indicates : ” custom duty ” This duty has been levied at the port situated in the vicinity of the inscription named godapavata patana (goda pabbata pattana, “the port of  Gota parvata”).

Currency, Exchange and Banking

Medium of exchange is a vital character in all economies. According to the factors already discussed in this article it is evident that the economic activities of early Sri lanka were well organized and rather complex by their   nature.        One cannot understand this without reference to a systematized media of exchange.Both literally and archaeologically there is ample evidences to help one to understand the nature of the media of economic exchange at that time. According to the information furnished by literary sources and the archaeological materials, the mode of economic exchange of the early period of Sri Lanka can be divided into three categories as follows :

1. use of metallic coins (with adopted values);
2. use of metallic coins and metal lumps (for weight value);
3. system of bartering

The inscriptions of the early period bear a word “kahapana” (skt. karshapana) which is the earlist type of coin used in Sri Lanka. Some numismatists thought that these coins were originally issued in the Northern Indian region and subsequently circulated in south India and Sri Lanka (Jayasinghe 1997). If this idea is plausible this circulation of the coins was promoted by the merchants who continuously operated their activities in the southernmost part of South Asia. More than 4000 of early coins which numismatists termed as punched marked coins has been found from different sites of the island. The first indigenous coin of Sri Lanka emerged during the first or the second century AD.

The manipulation of coins of weight standard may have been more complex than using metallic coins with the adopted values.Most probably this method would have been applied for manipulating foreign coins and also rare metals such as gold and silver.More than 50,000 Roman coins have been found from different places in the island (Walburg 1985).

Barter system had been mainly operative among local communities.The people who settled in ecologically distinct zones exchanged the products which characterized their own regions.This systems of bartering which operated between the alien merchants and the local traders was sometimes called “the silent trade”.

The earliest  references to the systems of banking can be attributed to the fourth century AD. Tonigala rock inscription of king Kirti Sri Meghavarnabhaya (301-328 AD) mentioned about such a bank named kalahumanaka. This inscription itself described this bank as a kalahumanaka niyamatana indicating a merchant guild named Paheja, had deposited his own harvest in this kalahumanaka merchants guild and the interest of  his deposit has been granted to the Yahisa parvata monastery for religious purposes. There is enough evidence to show further developments of this system in late centuries.

The discussion, in this article explains the nature of the economy in the early phase of the historic period in Sri Lanka. The information given by the inscription in this regard not sufficient to give a complete picture of the economy. But it provides a rather reliable source of information of the economy of this remote period.

Related posts:

Posted in Uncategorize